Labour Briefing, October 1991

BRIEFING

October 1991 80p (60p unwaged)

Class Traitor of the Month page 15

I >

i a

“Many members are fed-up with being told which policies to dump and which members to expel by Walworth Road _| Bois Kagatisky: ‘smart suits’ who can’t even manage to send a membership |A second Russian card out on time!” Revolution?

Despite...

Kinnock Hattersley Cunningham Kaufman Smith Beckett Blair Brown Gould Dewar Straw O'Neill

pages 9-11

- John Wilton, PPC Birmingham Edgbaston (see page 14) LABOUR - TAKE THE POWER!

In this month’s Labour Briefing

Polish left alive and kicking; Boris Kagarlitsky denounces Yeltsin; Chris Knight hoils "The Second Russian Revolution”.

John Wilton outlines o strategy for Labour victory; Peter Mandelson is this month's Class Traitor - at

last!

16

Jill Arnold lays bare the Brighton purge; Bob Cryer issues a warning to the PR tendency; and Kneel is in big trouble.

22

News and views: Scandal of Bristol Port sell-off; Justice for Sarah Thornton; o "white riot” in Newcastle? Larry O'hara on Searchlight and the secret state;

labour Party: Jeremy Corbyn celebrates Vie Williams; Lorraine Mont mourns marginalised Labour

women;

labour Party (continued); Mike Marqusee sks who's afraid of Dave Nellist?

Trade Union Notebook: Hobson is choice for Railworkers; Pergamon 23 keep Maxwell under fire; T&G Solidarity launched; Western Goals - the Tory

entryists;

Sinn Fein on British terror in Belfast; Periscope; Arthur Chandler on racism in football; Famous Last Words; Letters; Crossword; Sharon Raghip's message for Labour.

October 1991, No. 116

2 Lapour BRIEFING

FEW YEARS ago the Guardian

joined the Independent and the Scotsman in boycotting the lobby system of off-the-record government briefings. A defiant stance in favour of accountable government and accountable journalism. Bravol

In August, however, the Guardian has now returned to the “not for attribution” confabs...though it has not seen fit to tell its readers. This reticence is in marked contrast to the front-page orgy of selfcongratulation with which it celebrated its withdrawal from the dreaded system.

The Guardian's sneaky volte-face comes as no surprise to Briefing editor Mike Marqusee, who wrote to the official Guardian Reader's Representative, Professor Hugh Stephenson, some months ago complaining about Guardian hack and Mandelson-phile Patrick Wintour’s coverage of events in Lambeth.

Stephenson dismissed Marqusee’s complaint that Wintour had wrongly quoted Cllr Steve French as calling for “Victory to Iraq!” and “Bomb Israel” ata Lambeth Council meeting during the Gulf War. The Prof loftily opined that “an intelligent reader” would surmise that the allegations against Cllr French were “taken” from Ben Lucas’ “briefing paper”

Who guards the Guardian?

on the left in Lambeth which had been mentioned at the beginning of the article.

In fact, Wintour failed to identify Lucas’s “briefing paper” as an LCC document (though it was clearly labeled as such) and failed to tell his readers that Lucas himself was not even present at the meeting.

Stephenson’s account actually contradicts the account of the article given by Guardian management to Cllr French’s solicitors some months ago.

In response to demands that the false allegations be retracted, the Guardian, after some delay, informed Cllr. French’s solicitor that it “had now spoken to two persons who were present at the meeting” and that they would back up Wintour’s story.

So which is it? Does the Guardian stand by its smear or is it trying to offload responsibility on to poor old Ben Lucas?

Stephenson seems serenely untroubled by such concerns: “I do not find that Mr Wintour's reporting in this instance significantly broke any part of the code of conduct to which the Guardian subscribes”.

After the Guardian's secretive return to the fold of the government’s lobby-cumdisinformation system, we know just how stringent that code must be!

Eye-opener

SAROOSH, currently serving a threemonth sentence in prison for non-payment of the Poll Tax, writes to the anti-Poll Tax movement:

“We need another nationwide newsletter which can cover all aspects of this campaign, allowing people to hear and debate different issues...we have work to do and we must set an example. We must give credit where it is due and build on past experience and learn from mistakes, not hide behind them as a camouflage for

our inactivity...we must introduce the movement for what it is: the biggest catalyst and eye-opener this century.”

Report from Kurdistan Jeremy Corbyn MP and Ihsan Qudir visited Iraqi Kurdistan in August 1991 at the invitation of the Kurdistan Front. Kurdistan Report, their account of the present situation in the area, will be published on September 29th, £1 50 from Kurdistan Focus, 129 Seven Sisters Road, London N7 7QG.

After Stalinism.

F or socialists recent events in what used to be the Soviet Union are of compelling interest, not least because of their contradictory character.

On the one hand, the defeat of the coup - the last gasp of a corrupt, authoritarian and parasitic elite seeking desperately to preserve its privileges - must be welcomed by anyone who genuinely believes that socialism is nothing if it is not a full flowering of democracy.

Labour Briefing has an honourable history of supporting all workers and democrats who have opposed Stalinist repression. Our opposition to the coup and unequivocal pleasure at its defeat is consistent with that record.

On the other hand, the defeat of the coup has certainly accelerated the drive towards the reintroduction of capitalism, with all its attendant miseries, in the land of the Bolshevik Revolution.

Ideologically, the collapse of Stalinism is being exploited by the ruling classes in the West to crush all working class aspirations to socialism or even social democracy. No one should be surprised by that. For our oppressors, it remains as important now as ever that the oppressed should believe there is no humane, practicable alternative to capitalism.

We cannot answer this attack by mourning any vestiges of so-called socialism in the Soviet Union. For socialists, the final, ignominious implosion of Stalinism must be welcomed as a necessary precondition to the revival of international socialism. Our task is to reinvigorate and reapply the democratic, egalitarian premises which for generations have drawn millions to socialism. The aspiration towards a classless society which fuelled October 1917 remains as vital to the future of humanity as ever.

he SWP is having o whale of a time cir-

culating an “open letter” which declares that “it is no longer possible for socialists to remain in the Labour Party and have any real hope of achieving change” and calls on disillusioned Labour lefts to “join together to build an independent socialist alternative to labour”.

For us, it’s sad to see the names of so many left Labour activists appearing in Socialist Worker's weekly roll of those abandoning the Labour Party. For the SWP, it's cause for celebration, despite the obvious confidence and strength which a strong Labour left can give to the working class.

But what is the SWP’s real agenda? Are they likely to jettison decades of sectarian party building for “an independent socialist alternative to Labour”? Or is the “open letter” just another device to recruit frustrated socialists into the SWP?

It's easy enough to catalogue the sins of the Labour leadership {we should know!) but the real question which the “open letter” barely poses is: leave Labour - to do what?

In reality, the vast majority of those leaving the Labour Party will drop out of politics altogether. A few will join the SWP or similar groups. Others will continue to seek the holy grail of an “independent socialist alternotive”. Independent of what? Organised labour?

The “open letter” contains the SWP’s familiar attacks on Labour's “electoralism”, crudely counterposed, as ever, to “working class action”. Surely in the wake of recent events in the Soviet Union, it is foolish in the extreme for socialists to dismiss so airily the exercise of the franchise and the importance to working class people of representative, democratic institutions - however remote, limited or bourgeois they may be.

For many of us on the Lobour left, our struggle in the Party has been precisely an attempt to locate and seize the powerful interconnecting cables between “electoralism” and “working class action”.

Those who leave the Party, understandably embittered and outraged at what it has become, will be abstaining from this crucial strand of the class struggle. They will only succeed in making life easier for Kinnock ond his heirs.

W e’re happy to act on the excellent suggestion of Dave Marks (see letters page) and hereby institute a regular “Class Hero of the Month” slot. The first (unlikely) recipient of the award is veteran Tribune Parliamentary reporter Hugh Macpherson {no Trot he).

Hugh hit the nail on the head in a recent column when he warned that Neil Kinnock “leads a front bench which now advocates an enlightened form of Conservatism which is less radical than that on offer from the Liberal Democrats. The danger to the Labour Party of a hung election is that they have a leader with nowhere to go and nothing to lose. | would not place the loyalty of some of those around him any higher than that of Roy Jenkins or David Owen at a similar stage of their careers.”

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Everything you always wanted to know about Labour Briefing...

Labour Briefing is the monthly voice of Labour's independent left. It is pro-

duced by a democratic, anti-

sectarian network of Labour and trade union activists

and is managed by an

elected National Editorial Board whose meetings are open to all supporters. We

are happy to offer a right of reply on the usual basis to all members of the labour

movement.

All articles published in Labour Briefing reflect the opinions of the authors alone unless otherwise indicated. Briefing welcomes criticisms and contributions. Please keep us posted on what’s going on in your area. The deadline for the next issue is October 14th.

Briefing is the only magazine on the left which is not funded by any part of the labour hierarchy or by any

organised grouping. To survive and thrive we need the support of our readers. Why not take copies to sell at your local Labour Party,

trade union or campaign meeting? And while you're at it, take out a standing order - say, £5 per month - to ensure we have the funds we need to keep going. It’s an easy and effective way of hitting back at the Labour misleadership! Contact Briefing at 26 Wattisfield Road, London, E5 9QH. Telephone: 081 985 6597; fax: 081 985 6785.

This is Labour Briefing No. 116, October 1991.

Editor: Mike Marqusee, Cochairs: Liz Davies and Pauline Purnell, Secretary: Kevin Flack NEB Convenor: Keith Veness, Distribution Manager: Graham Bash, Production Manager: Dave Lewney, Production Team: Alick Bridger, Paul Field, Joanne McAuliffe, Treasurer: Dave Palmer, Promotions: Bryn Griffiths, Bookshops: Dorothy Macedo, Trade Union Editors: Jon Rogers, Keith Veness, Labour Party Editors: Richard Heffernan,

ryn Griffiths.

Lasour Brizrine 3

WS & VIEWS

Doubledealing Labour council swaps future energy supplies for shortterm gain

Bristol Labour councillors Dave Sutton, Hedley Bashforth and seven others have issued this damning account of the local Labour leadership's sale of the Port of Bristol to some very dubious customers.

4 Lasour BRIEFING

OR OVER a year Bristol City Council has been negotiating the sale of the Por of Bristol to a private

company, First Corporate Shipping {FCS} The negotiations led to a decision on August 22nd that FCS should be allowed to buy the port “as a going concem”.

The deal was agreed by the labour Group following a report by the Group leader on July 26th. The report justified the sale on the grounds that the private sector would not invest in a Councitowned port and that consultants said that FCS could attract £74 million capital investment over four years, including a new bulk handling terminal. If the Council did not sell the port, there was a risk of further losses in addition to the cash required to pay interest on the port debt.

In its negotiations with FCS, the City Council was given legal advice by Bevan Ashford, a firm of solicitors, and by Lord Silsoe QC; both pointed out risks but both also favoured the sale. However, Lord Silsoe has been retained by CEGB/ National Power as a legal adviser and presented their case at inquiries into the proposed nuclear power stations at Sizewell and Hinkley. The advice given to the Council by Lord Silsoe is clearly compromised. Bearing in mind the huge sums of public money and assets at stake, it cannot be right that the Council should agree to the sale on the basis of advice received from a lawyer who has been retained by

Reports of the the chief beneficiary proposed deal of the sale carried in the trade OE If the legal advice press in August aw is bad and the deal indicated that the eee we call on the with FCS is in any deal was linked to a way open fo plan to impor coal. Labour Party Na- chalga The National Union courts - by, for

of Mineworkers monitored these reports and wrote to the Bristol Labour Group leader on August 2 Ist asking for a meeting fo discuss the implications of the sale for Britain’s coal industry. The Leader could have responded by adjourning the upcoming Council meeting in order to report the NUM's request to the Labour Group. Instead, he replied as follows to the NUM

“Can | assure you that the transaction with FCS does not constitute an agreement ‘on the bulk importation of coal.”

Two weeks | an announcement was made of a joint venture between FCS and National Power for the construction of a oal importing facility at Portbury Dock. deal would bring in 5 million tonnes of coal a year and create between 50 and 100 jobs. The NUM estimate that it would also lead to the closure of pits in South Wales, Staffordshire and Derbyshire and the loss of up to 6,000 jobs.

There is no doubt that those involved in @ negotiation of the sale of the port to FCS, both in the City Council and in FCS, were fully aware of National Power's proposed coal-importing facility. The failure of the Council's leadership to report

lational Power's interest raises several

al Power's interest was known, lected in the valuassets disposed to FCS. In has acted as a stalking horse for nal Pe et at no time was this reported to the Council

tional Executive to investigate...

example, British Coal or the NUM - then the Council has laid itself open to huge financial losses

The proposal to import coal flies in the face of the recommendations of the House of Commons Select Committee on Energy, which recently called for invest ment in the British coal industry. It is also completely out of step with the labour Party's energy policy, which is to invest in British coal

Coal imports are only affordable because North Sea oil revenues permit them These revenues should be invested in a clean domestic coal industry and in renewable energy sources to guarantee future energy supplies after the oil has run out The sale of the port of Bristol to FCS has laid Bristol City Council’s leadership open to charges of doubledealing, of ripping off the public and of trading the future of Britain's energy supplies for the smallest of shortterm gains.

We call on the Council to seek urger? legal advice from an independent source as to the validity of the transaction with FCS. We further call on the Council to seek advice from the District Auditor as to whether the existence of National Power's proposals to import coal should have been included in the valuation of assets disposed to FCS.

Finally, we call on the Labour Party National Executive to investigate the circumstances surrounding the deal between the Council and FCS which has led to clear violations of Labour policy.

LA

NEWS & VIEWS

HESE SASSY Wednesday

lunchtime demos are or chestrated by Southall Black Sisters in conjunction with the Sara Thornton Support Group, a coalition of feminist lawyers. The campaign focuses on three women currently serving lifesentences for the murder of their violent husbands: Sara Thornton, Kiranjit Ahluwahlia and Amelia Rossiter. A petition with over 5,000 signatures calling for the release of the women was presented to the Home Secretary.

An appeal by Sara Thornton has been heard and dismissed; appeals for the other wo women are pending. Pleading provocation, Sara appealed on the grounds that she was not guilty of murder - which carries a mandatory life sentence - but

“Kenneth Baker, come out here!” Photo Camilla Power

of manslaughter. In case law, to qualify for the partial defence of provocation, the accused must have acted during “a sudden and temporary loss of self-control” caused by the words or acts of the victim.

On July 29th, the Appeal Court rejected the arguments of Sara's counsel that the defence of provocation as it stands is “apt to describe the sudden rage of a male, but not the slow burning emotion suffered by a woman driven to the end of her tether”. The minute it took Sara to run to the kitchen and fetch the knife she used to stab her husband was held to be sufficient for her to “cool off” -

even though she was a terrified and desperate woman

Two days later, on July 3 Ist Joseph McGrail received a wor year suspended sentence for battering his wife to death. His defence, on the grounds of provocation, was that he “snapped” after years of torment and abuse from his wife. In protest at this decision, Sara stayed on hungerstrike for a month.

Each year in Britain some seventy men kill their female pariners; between twelve and fifteen women kill their male partners. Forty per cent of those women are found guilty of murder; only 25% of the men are.

The current interpretation of provocation makes allowance for explosive loss of temper, a

*male” behaviourpattem, but ignores the experience of women subject to prolonged violence in the home. Manmade law is written by and for men, derived from men’s experiences and interests. The result is that women who kill are rarely deemed eligible for existing defences to murder.

The immediate aims of the campaign are: the release or retrial of battered women who have been imprisoned for murder; reform of the law on provocation to admit defences applicable to women in violent homes; and abolition of the mandatory lifesentence for murder.

Justice for Sara Thornton

“Come out here, Kenneth Baker, come out here!” Over a hundred women and children (and a few men) kept up a two-hour long barrage of taunts, songs and catcalls outside the Home Office on September 1 Ith. The concrete canyons of Queen Anne’s Gate reverberated with demands for justice for battered women who kill. Camilla Power reports on the short and long-term aims of a vital struggle.

But the longterm goal has to be provision of a far greater level of support for women at tempting to leave violent rela-

tionships. Immense = difficulties face P women, traumatised ® by years of violence, : of with young * children, who try to escape. All three of the women in question - Sara, Kiranjit and Amelia - made several approaches to various agencies, including social services and the police, and sought court injunctions. They received no flesh-and-blood support. Their cases illustrate the horrible isolation experienced by women in our society +a society which has obliterated effective kinship ties and concentrates all economic and emotional support within the walls of bourgeois marriage.

The Child Support Bill threatens to make this kind of predicament even worse for women with children. Threatened with loss of benefits if she refuses to name the violent father of her children, a woman will find it harder to be able to leave.

Sixteen years ago, a Commons Select Committee on Domestic Violence recommended the establishment of four hundred refuges. Today

there are under two hundred overcrowded, underfunded, threatened by local authority cuts. Even four hundred would be pitifully few. Thousands of women and children are affected by violence in the home every day. The threat of it is present to almost all women There will be no solution until every street, every tower-block contains a sanctuary, a Women’s House, where every woman can go with her children and know she will be safe

In a recent reply to Jo Richardson MP, Kenneth Baker has stated that “at this initial stage” no change is planned to the law on provocation. “There is a real danger...it will lead to more aggrieved women taking the law into their own hands, declaring open season on loutish lovers and butchering them wholesale.”

‘@ Demonstrate Wednesday, Oct 9th, 12-2pm, outside the Home Office, next to St James’s Park tube, London. Bring rattles, whistles, drums, etc. @ Women for Socialism meeting on Domestic Violence, Saturday October 5th, 2pm, Wesley House, 4 Wild Court, London WC2. Speakers from Southall Black Sisters and Sara Thornton Support Group.

@ Mock Trial on Monday Oct} 7th at the High Courts, the Strand, London.

@ Contact Southall Black Sisters 081-571 9595 or Julie Bindel of Sara Thornton Support Group 071-704 0651.

Lasour Brartrrine 5

NEWS & VIEWS

Newcastle: a “white riot”?

Heather Hawkwood reports from Newcastle on the “rioting” which sent press and peliticians

jor this area isa r of much local debate a\|, high-speed joy ag, the odd bit of arson and vandalism are ni unusual these parts of the city. Indeed, an average night in sile's West End displays of the characteristics of a riot”, only on a smaller scale. The five affected wards differ er. Elswick has a high eof Bangladeshi whereas Scoiswood is white estates. unemployels of drug abuse

me ranges

M .

Racial harassment is an everyday

aM occurrence oS

breaking and car theft

cised ramraiders ha

je the West End their home.

1 fascist organisers ting in the West End but are and just

1g to calls for m black fami

6 Lanour BRierinG

into such a fizzy.

have been saying about the north east police being under staffed is true and in one way fortunate: had they been strong and confident enough to try to smash their way into troublespots then what were in fact relatively gentle disturbances with few casualties could have turned into something much nastier.

Rumours were rife that gangs from Scotswood had designated the Thursday night of the week of disturbances as the time to torch Asian shops. Thankfully, that did not happen While black families were clearly the most vulnerable to attack and no doubt the most terrified, the number of reported racist attacks was actually small. A post office run by a black family was set on fire; was a petrol bomb atiack on another black household and a black family had their windows broken two nights in

profile assaults on n every night in the W

ever, on this

mosque and temple would bumt had police not a special operation to them. Certainly the youth was that

have b

riving around the affected areas during and after the riots, we saw no evidence of

been sightings of fascist

leaflets

uch speculation in outsid ts, Nazi or

oxganisec prearranged assem a network of

were able to exploit the angry mood by sending out messages of times and places fo meet and targets fo attack. The youth did nor walk around the streets en masse: instead, they moved in purposeful groups of three or four.

ES

“The drug and ram-raid

Se

barons were the brains be-

hind it all”

The local crooks are well able to carry out this kind of operation; even the joy-iders are able to intercept police radio messages and detect bugs and ultrahigh frequency transmissions

My own guess would be that the drug and ramaid barons were the brains behind it all. Certainly they were the only ones who benefitted: a no-go area for the police suits their needs and establishes them as the people the kids must obey.

Most of the burning was of disused, boarded-up property There seems to have been little random violence against individuals. Onlookers, watching from well-established viewing points on the joyriding circuit, were untouched

These events should not be glorified or romanticised by the left. They could only have taken place in a context of abysmal capitalist failure and the participants were undoubtedly working class youth facing a desperate future. But fighting the police and burning build-

ngs is not necessarily a useful

response. In this case, | would argue that the rule of the police is actually preferable for working class people to the rule of the drugs barons - especially given the element of racial harassment involved.

Many local people have been terrified by the events and the black community feels that it has been under serious threat. Many in that community may now conclude that they must organise to defend themselves and not put their trust in the authorities or established community leaders.

Of course, the West End needs massive investment urgently: jobs, training, housing renewal, youth provision, etc. Money will come from “City Challenge”, the latest Heseltine gimmick, and the City Council will spend it on a variety of worthy schemes. But one-off injections of cash will not solve the problems.

Essentially, the crisis in the West End is as much a crisis of working class consciousness as anything else; it is therefore a job that only the labour movement can tackle. Tragically, the movement has little purchase in these areas and is far too weak to offer any kind of alternative pole of attraction to the many white youth mesmerised by a career track that seems to lead from petty crime to bigtime gangsterism. To win these youth over, the labour movement would have to be organisationally and ideologically wellarmed - and at the moment it is neither.

Greetings to conference from Lewisham

Labour Briefing supporters Sun, sea and

socialism Brighton 1991

EPTEMBER'S LABOUR

Briefing was the first time las far as | am aware} that any members of the Searchlight inner circle have deigned to reply in print to the Newham Monitoring Project's allegations regarding the meeting in Ilford chaired by Searchlight editor Gerry Gable.

Searchlight never printed the original NMP press statement nor the statement by black organisations printed by Briefing. It also failed to print the resignation letter by CARF, which ended its eleven year association with the magazine last October, criticising it for interpreting “the fight against racism and fascism as the fight against anti-Semitism in the first instance”

Ray Hill’s comment about not being "easily impressed” by

lack organisations “consisting of three men and a dog" is distasteful. It is just not up to Hill {or me} to engage in patronising comments about black organisations in this manner.

On one point, however, | do agree with Hill: Searchlight does take an interest in “police harassment of black people” This coexists, however, with an attitude many anti-racists find questionable. For example, Searchlight's july editorial criticising the American Al Sharpton’s “friends in London, some of whom do not want even to work with white antiracists, should know by now not to expect too much from the police, and should learn how to protect their own meetings. If they insult the police day in day out, they should not moan if the police then look the other way’,

It is simply not up to Searchlight to tell black people whether they should or shouldn't "moan” about police harassment; that is their prerogative.

Indisputably, Searchlight is sometimes useful; it has printed excellent information. Many people have not dared criticise it because of this good work Indeed its very existence infuriates fascists greatly. All this | concede. There is a need for

a magazine to forewam antifascists and at present {although CARF is a hopetul sign, subject to the qualification that they do not, in my view, give the specifically fascist groups the attention they deserve) there is nothing yet on the horizon to replace Searchlight

That Searchlight does need to be replaced by something better is a large claim that cannot be totally substantiated here, but certain troubling facts about Searchlight will ensure it is raised repeatedly,

Searchlight is just not independent. It has suspect links with the secret state (MIS in particular). Don’t take my word for it. Consult the New Statesman (February 15th, 1980} which partially reproduced the infamous “Gable Memoran-

EXPOSED-BLUEPRINT FOR SADDAM’S NAZI LEGI

dum” of May Sth, 1977, where Gable, who was trying to wheedle information out of the ABC Defence Campaign, told his bosses, “| have now given the names | have acquired to be checked out by British/French security... and the South American stuff is being checked by Geoffrey StewartSmith’s Institute. He has strong CIA links”

In 1986 Gable told wo reporters from International Times, repeating MIS disinfor-

NEWS & VIEWS

Searchlight under the microscope

In last month’s Briefing, Ray Hill and Daphne Liddle answered criticisms of the anti-fascist magazine Searchlight made by a number of black organisations. The debate continues with

this contribution from Larry

O’Hara, o

journalist and independent left researcher into fascism, who levels grave charges against the

Searchlight team.

mation, that an alleged

associate of Carlos the Jackal

was none other than Phil Kelly

former Tribune editor. “He's a

fucking terrorist - of the worst sort”

One of Gable’s more disgusting episodes was his role in the smear campaign against the anarchist group Class War, whom he accused of associating with “known fascists and Nazis” notably at a Stop the City demonstration in London in 1985. The allegations ripped AntiFascist Action apart. Class War were eventually exonerated {though some of their propaganda was criticised for naivety and confusion}; the report of the AFA enquiry into Class War remarked that “despite the leading role of Searchlight magazine in the affair, and despite many approaches to the magazine for evidence, the sum total of material from Searchlight to the enquiry was nil. We are bemused by Searchlight's role in the affair”

Olhers like myself, having come across attempts by Searchlight to discredit Meibion Glyndwr, the Animal Liberation

Front and squatters in Hackney are not so bemused

lt matters little whether Gable and his circle are aware of what they are up to when they circulate print these stories. The effects on those slandered are the same. Without proof Searchlight consistently accused the now-defunct “political soldier” NF of being an MI6 tool, but is itself indisputably acting as just such a tool. Or does anyone think the security services give Gable these snippets out of devotion to the cause of antifascism?

liddle says that Searchlight is willing to “work together with other antifascists whose political positions,..are quite different to our own”. But in the course of criticising the SWP for daring to hold a march in 1989 to commemorate the ten years since the death of Blair Peach in Southall, Searchlight came out with the following description of the SWP's activity: “It smacks of fifth column activity to divide the growing strength of the antifascist movement in Britain The term "fifth column” was originally used to describe those saboteurs who prepared the way behind Republican lines for Franco's victory in the Spanish Civil War. Just think about it - the SWP organise a march to commemorate one of their own members who died fighting fascism, and they're accused of being “fifth colum: nists”. Am | alone in finding this disgusting?

Lasocr Brigtine 7

NEWS & VIEWS

Polish left alive and

alidarity, it has been a

“Here, people don’t understand what it means fo be left or right,” says Polish socialist feminist Milka Tyszkiewicz. “But they understand that there are employers and employees. They are starting to understand that they have to organise - not just in trade unions, but politically.” Dave Osler, Lleyton CLP, interviewed left activists on a recent visit to Poland.

bloc in Wroclaw, elsewhere it aligned with the PPS (Polish Socialist Party} and other radical groupings.

There are also supporters of the independent leftist paper Sprawy | Ludzie Problems} and som: - the fc h Workers

and take part in a discussion anised by the SPC

eral, all these groups but it's too early to think ta common organisation ft,” says Tyszkiew' jarity’s rankandfile has forgiven the erstwhile and

Os

organisationally. At the same ti

mselves as Marxists

‘Gdansk shipyard workers on strike, 1988

spulation of Poles, Ukrainians,

distrust of official Solidarity,” laims Tyszkiewicz, and adds, problem of the corruption of the Solidarity bureaucracy is incredible.” She suspects that many of the leaders used Western donations during the martial law period for personal enrichment

While OPZZ, the former state union federation, is irying to

gain credibility as an authentic union, for most workers it is itredeemably compromised by its association with the Jaruzelski regime.

There is also a 250,000strong Solidarity breakaway union, Solidarnosc ‘80, which has isolated pockets of strength While it can be militant, its members sometimes display backward, even antisemitic, idea:

The Wroclaw region Solidarnose Pracy slate is

standing twelve candidates, of which five are MKK/SPC supporters: it has hopes of winning at least two seats.

The list is headed by Krystyna Politacha, a socialist feminist and national leader of Solidarity’s banned women's section Waolesa withdrew recognition last year when Politacha and others refused to toe the union’s anti-abortion line. It now operates unofficially

While the Solidarnose Pracy programme is democratic rather than explicitly socialist, Tyszkiewicz is adamant that the left is correct in supporting it:

Our first task is to defend democracy against rightist authoritarian currents, which could form around Walesa, or may be the next development of Catholic fundamentalism”.

The manifesto also demands fejection of Finance Minister Balcerowicz’s IMF-dictated austerity package, and seeks guarantees on social security and health care. It is strong on women’s issues and rejects attempts to ban abortion

It calls for state factories to become workers’ cooperatives rather than privately-owned enterprises. The SPC feels that it is not possible at the moment to organise big mobilisations from below in defence of the state sector.

Donations to Polish Socialist Appeal to Basement Office, 92 Ladbroke Grove, W11.

Alf Lomas MEP For international socialism - not Euro-chauvinism

WS & VIEW!

“No triumph of democracy in Russia”

Boris Kagarlitsky, left opponent of Stalinism, author of Farewell Perestroika and leading

member of the recently formed Russian Socialist Party, spoke to Labour Briefing by telephone

LB: How easy is it to call yourself a socialist in the new climate?

BK: It is much easier right now, after the collapse of the Communist Party, to belong to the socialist left. At least now the independent left is not forced to give proofs everyday that it is not Communist. Now we can just speak for ourselves, without looking around and being afraid of being confused with the Communists. On the other hand, it is quite clear that what happened to the Communist Party is just a prelude to what could happen to any opposition party. The problem is not just about being a socialist; it is about not supporting the government. The socialist left has now emerged as the main legal opposition. The problem is, how long will it remain legal?

LB: What did the Socialist Party do during the coup?

BK: During the August days the socialists were very active in Moscow trying to organise the defence of the Moscow Soviet - not the White House, which was Yeltsin's residence. Some of them also went to the White House during the nights of the 19th and 20th of August, which we considered crucial. Vladimir Kondratoff, who is the leader of the Socialist Party faction in the Moscow Soviet, was appointed as one of the leading figures of the so-called Special Committee of the Moscow Soviet, whose task was to organise the resistance to and liquidation of the Emergency Committee in Moscow. It became quite clear for the socialists that the coup was very much manipulated by people both from the Gorbachev camp and the Yeltsin camp. And of course we have absolutely no illusions about the Yeltsin government. As

from Moscow.

one comrade, Anatoly Baranov, said when he came to the White House on August 19th, “We came here to defend our enemies”.

LB: What is the Socialist Party doing now? What are its immediate aims and has it made any links to the trade unions? BK: After the August events the Socialist Party launched ‘an appeal for the formation of a Party of Labour. It was published in the Moscow Pravda newspaper and the Moscow trade union newspaper. This appeal is getting a very positive response. At the moment, the sections of the left that are announcing that they are going to join the Party of Labour include not just socialists but also the majority of the Confederation of Anarcho-Syndicalists, most of the left-wing opposition groups from the ex-CP and some very important sections of the trade union leadership, mostly in Moscow and Leningrad. Our rapid progress can be seen in the anger of the government which didn’t expect any major opposition group to grow fast after the August events.

LB: What role did the trade unions play in resistance to the coup? BK: First of all, | must stress that there was no real coup in Moscow. So to speak about resistance seriously is a very big mistake. There was no coup; there was just a kind of power play among the rulers and that is exactly how it was seen by the great majority of the population. The workers of

course did not support the Emergency Committee, but neither did they support Yeltsin. In the crowd of about 20,000 people which responded to Yeltsin’s call there were almost no workers. Yeltsin's appeals to launch a general strike failed miserably. The trade unions condemned the coup, but failed to support Yeltsin and that, | think, is a very encouraging sign for everyone who wants an independent labour movement fo emerge in this country.

LB: How would you define the relationship between the socialist left and the Yeltsin camp? BK: What is happening in the country can be characterized as the formation of a populist right wing dictatorship with growing fascist tendencies. Clearing there can’t be any relations with a government which we consider to be a teal disaster for the country ‘and probably even for humankind.

LB: Is it realistic for you to attempt fo preserve social ownership of the means of production? BK: This is exactly our policy. The labour collectives are seriously interested in prevent ing privatisation because they know quite well what it could mean for them. So we are getting growing support for our struggle against the privatisation drive.

LB: What do you expect from the left n the West? BK: We have to get some kind of real solidarity which we will probably need quite

soon just to survive politically and physically against a regime which is becoming more dangerous by the day. But the main thing for the left now is to tell the people in the Western countries that there was no such thing as the triumph of democracy in Russia.

LB: How can the trade unions, which have been compromised by the state for so long, reconstitute themselves?

BK: Right now, there is a substantial section of the trade union leadership which understands that if they are not to disappear they must become real unions. The miners proved that they had learned from their own experience when they rejected Yeltsin's call to go on strike; they remembered that it was Yeltsin who called them first to go on strike against Gorbachev and two months later to go on strike to save Gorbachev. Miners are not going any more to be manipulated by right-wing demogogues.

LB: Does the word democracy still have a meaning for you?

BK: Of course it has a meaning. And | think that the basic elements of representative, parliamentary democracy which are now being dismantled by the Yeltsin government, for example the Soviets in many of the cities, must be preserved. But while fighting fo preserve representative democracy, we are not going to be limited to the traditional parliamentary framework. LB: Is there a possibility of fighting for real soviets of the kind that were powerful in 1905 and 1917?

BK: We'll have to see. They cannot be invented by the theorists. Just as the original soviets were not.

Larovux Brizring 9

NEWS & VIEWS

The

revolutionary meaning of

August,

Following the defeat of th destruction of the Commu

1991

1 Stalinist coup and the nist Party in what used

to be the Soviet Union, Chris Knight sees new vistas of hope opening up for international

socialism.

HEN THE Bolshevik Revolution triumphed in

1917, it did so in opposition to the insane carnage of the First World War. Socialist internationalist opposition to that war, nowever close to being extinguished, had become in those ' @ shining beacon in a vorid gone mad - the embodiment of all that was best in European culture and civilisation The International of Rosa luxembourg, of Trotsky and of Lenin may not have been a perfect political body; but at a time when all other political parties had blood on their hands, its stature was high

Socialism can surely be nothing unless it can restore its status as the political representative, indeed the highest embodiment, of European and world human world art and culture. Today, that revolutionary beacon, in its particular Bolshevik form, is virtually extinct, Within the birthplace of the October Revolution, Lenin's mage has been torn down, the Communist Party disbanded, and even the very idea of socialism of any kind disowned virtually throughout the working class

It therefore seems important to emphasise a paradox. Despite

10 Lasour Brizrine

the reversed political flags and symbols, and the reversed economic and foreign policies, the Second Great Russian Revolution of August 1991 echoes not only the national emancipatory themes of England in 1640 and of the French Revolution of 1789 but also the internationalism of October 1917. This latest revolution’s championship of “the market” strikes a chord in Russia precisely because, whatever the exploitative consequences, to be “in” this market at least means being

*in” something international. In fact, the working class has not been impressed by what it has seen so far of the domestic results of “market forces”. What it responded to in August was the Yeltsin camp's determination to allow the imprisoned Russian people at long last to “rejoin the world”

Now, as in 1917, the popular masses have rejected all “Saviours of the Fatherland”. They have refused to be cut off from the only arena within which the modern world’s economic and other problems can realistically be solved - the arena of world information and economic exchange, world technological and scientific development, world political

culture as a whole.

Having collided with this new internationalism, the Party of the Great Russian Motherland {Stalin's mirrorimage inversion of the Bolshevik Party of 1917) has disintegrated beyond repair. The top layers of this party were the nest of the attempted coup. The Yeltsin camp will soon have eradicated it from all positions of influence - just as we socialists in Britain might feel within our rights in preventing the Freemasons or the Metropolitan Police from organizing within our ranks.

Some will recoil from such a parallel. It may even seem to contradict the Trotskyist notion that the Soviet Union under Stalinism, despite its “deformations”, constituted a weight on “our” side of the international balance of class forces. But there is no contradiction. Trotsky himself knew that no state is just a thing-imitself. Its class character is defined by its relationships. In relation to the military threat posed by world imperialism, we Trotskyists defended that state “as a workers’ state”. In relation to the working class oppressed within its boundaries, we never defended it. In relation to these workers, its significance was the opposite of what it was on «@ global level. It was the transmission belt along which the military pressures of world imperialism were experienced. To smash it was something which we always fully supported and indeed ardently championed - provided only that it was done by the masses “from the inside”

A tide of “anti-communism” is now inevitable. We don't go along with this - certainly not in the West. but in the east, we must decode it. We refuse to let our sensitivities concerning cherished symbols to place a barrier between us and the popular masses. We have to remember that within Russia and the other former Soviet states, the Communist Party has

for decades played nothing resembling even the vaguely reformist role of Communist Parties in the West. Since Stalin's time, this organisation of corruption, wealth and privilege has been indistinguishable from the KGB and the managerial elite.

lt hasn’t even enjoyed the legitimacy of a real social class. At least a capitalist class during a period of boom plays a real function within the economy, a defined role within the system of production, distribution and exchange. The Soviet bureaucracy played no role in this respect. Apart from plundering the economy to sustain itself by military means, it has had nothing to do. It would be ridiculous to confuse its role with “planning”, which involves looking at the economy’s needs and providing the information to meet them. The bureaucrats have concealed precisely this information - and planned nothing but the maintenance of their own military and political grip.

What we witnessed in August was, from an internal standpoint, a bourgeois revolution against Stalin's countertevolution. Compared with that counter-revolution, it was and remains massively liberating (note the explicit support for the Yeltsin camp from Moscow's lesbians and gays}. Compared with the international significance of October 1917, it was of course “counterrevolutionary”. Personally, though, | wouldn't stress that formal aspect. After all, virtually everything in the world which has happened since 1917 has been “counter revolutionary” by the standards of October!

The important point is that the story is not yet finished. This Second Russian Revolution may not be what Lenin and Trotsky hoped for immediately after October 1917. But as the prelude to a new epoch of global revolutionary change, it could revive their dreams of the

WS & VIEWS

years and months before October 1917.

In its world impact, this revolution could inspire even more widespread calls for freedom than the overthrow of the Tsar in the February revolution. | think we should treat it precisely as Lenin and Trotsky treated February - except that it is now as if “February” had spread across almost the entire world. We can't fight for a new world-historic “October” unless we know how to defend this “February” against assaults from the new Kornilovs, from whichever quarter they emerge. Democracy is something worth fighting for.

Conceptvalising the future of socialism in terms of nationstates is now completely outdated. There can be no socialist rebirth within Russia taken in isolation. Our responsibility in the West is particularly heavy because of a bitter truth. long before its own death throes, Stalinism had rooted out virtually all traces of Bolshevism gs a continuous tradition in the Soviet Union. Those of us who once hoped or imagined otherwise must face this unpalatable fact. In essence, there is nothing left. Although its working class remains potentially mighty, Russia today hardly has an organised labour movement at all, let alone an ideologically class-conscious one. Stalinism has all but destroyed the workers’ movement precisely by destroying its symbols - by turning Lenin into an icon of chauvinist Great Russian sentiment, the hammerand-sickle into a badge of state privilege, Marx and Engels into the ruling dynasty's mystical founding ancestors.

In a revolution, the old regime's destruction is accompanied by the overthrow of its symbols.

Whilst some respect for Lenin and for the original aims of 1917 must remain among some intellectuals, there will now be a powerful mass feeling that a fresh symbolic

start should be made. We socialists get fixated on particular symbols too often. To insist that our Russian comrades preserve or restore Bolshevism’s hammer and sickle on the grounds that it was “once revolutionary” would be quixotic. Yes, it would be wonderfully reassuring if history could repeat itself in so pure a form. But insisting on it would

in the West as of those emerging from the long night of Stalinism in the East.

The terrible political weakness of the ex Soviet working class now leaves it exposed to the mercies of world capitalism. We will see rampant privatisation campaigns, sickening legalised corruption, vast inequalities of wealth and the wholesale sacrifice of jobs and

“ ..the Second Great Russian Revolution of August 1991 echees not only the national emancipatory themes of England in 1640 and of the French Revolution of 1789 but also the inter-

nationalism of October 1917”

be like insisting on marching under the revolutionary emblems of Christ, His Cross and His Holy Blood - all on the academically quite plausible grounds that the early Church was communistic and revolutionary!

like the words of human language, the symbolic systems of political life change over time in ways beyond conscious control. | think we just have to accept this fact and adjust our own use of such symbols accordingly. It still remains necessary to find new international symbols which distinguish us from nationalists everywhere, from colluders with US imperial ism and from the global camp of our class opponents. | would argue that the redness of our own class blood suffices - nothing can change the political meaning of that. But the raising of this cleansed red banner will be just as much the responsibility of revolutionaries

welfare provisions on the altar of “the free market”. And any fightback will be hampered since the ideology of class struggle is not validated by any legitimised mass political party. ‘On a world scale, people in Cuba, Palestine and elsewhere will fear for their future even more than before. For all their horrors, the Stalinist states did represent a useful global counterweight to the naked dominance of United States imperialism, offering at least some space for manoeuvre for national liberation struggles and anti-imperialist regimes. But to argue that such considerations can be decisive is to forget what Marxism is. The situation of Third World “anti-imperialist regimes” is certainly dire, and the political defence of Cuba will be a number one priority for social ists. But demands for subsidised state sugarorders or missiles - along with illusions in Moscow

as “the great fortress” - were never going fo solve the problems of the Third World in the long term. The excolonial masses can liberate themselves only in an alliance with the aroused international working class.

This presupposes an immense process of political change throughout the industrialised West. The workers of Japan, of the United States, of Western Europe must follow through the logic of recent events and draw their own conclusions about how human freedom and global survival can now best be secured. This may be an immense task; but a rapid transformation of global consciousness is certainly less inconceivable now than it was even a few months ago. Is there anyone who can seriously argue that the rampant “free market" will plug the hole in the ‘ozone layer or save the rainforests - let alone rescue the Third World ftom its mounting debt crisis and avoid the prospect of mass famine?

An international avalanche, prepared in the late 1980s and triggered by events in China and Eastern Europe in 1989, is now well under way. This process cannot be stopped. The stability of the post war system of power blocs has gone and a new period of rapid flux and immense opportunity has opened up. Don't look to Russia for salvation. Don't expect some distant event to come to the rescue of Trotskyists here in Britain, August 1991 has changed all that. By finally destroying Stalinism, it has put the ball back in the world court

Revolutionary socialists have to measure up to this challenge. We are far closer to that period of optimism, crisis and revolutionary vistas which inspired the young Trotsky between 1905 and 1917 than we have been since the 1930s, when Stalinism and Fascism in tandem crushed Bolshevism along with humanity's hopes.

Lasour Brigring 11

CORB COMMO

Vic Williams: “My Conscience is Clear”

O Commonweal is a monthly

column by

Jeremy Corbyn, Labour MP for Islington North.

after holding various jobs punctuated by periods of unemployment and eventually gained promotion to the rank of “gunner” in the Royal Artillery.

Posted to Germany, he was told to prepare for embarkation to Saudi Arabia to defend it against Iraq, liberate Kuwait and keep the peace. The more he was told the less he was convinced. On the day of parade for departure Vic was not seen. He had left by car for Southern Germany, Switzerland and Austria. He drove around, stopped a lot, thought a lot, and at last decided to head for Britain and give himself up.

He went to Woolwich barracks, where he parked his car, looked at the Guard Room, walked around and thought some more. He then drove into central London, saw some peace campaigners in Whitehall and talked to them. Then he talked to many more.

All this led Vic to speak to the anti-war demo in Hyde Park in February and then be interviewed for “Heart of the Matter” on television. When the war was over, ona fine and glorious cold spring Saturday, he gave himself up to the military police at Rochester Row in London.

At a three-day open court martial at Woolwich a few weeks ago Vic's case was ably put by Helena Kennedy QC toa military tribunal of five Army Officers (all ribbons, medals and scrambled egg) and a “judge advocate” in wig and gown who told us ominously he knew the law and what it meant.

As Helena spoke with great eloquence about liberty, the rights to object on grounds of conscience and Vic's personal motives the officers shifted uneasily: the prosecution stared at the floor and ceiling and wondered; outside through the open windows, we could see and hear a valiant vigil for peace. Vic sat bolt upright in well-pressed uniform and ended the whole thing by simply stating “my conscience is clear”.

Found guilty of being absent without leave and conduct prejudicial to good order and military discipline (i.e. speaking against the war) he now faces fourteen months in prison, on top of the time he has already served since turning himself in,

V IC WILLIAMS was a career soldier. He joined up

The Gulf War cost the lives of over 200,000 people. It has left the region more unstable and impoverished than it was before. It succeeded only in boosting the otherwise flagging arms trade.

Vic's stand cost him his career but struck a blow for the right to dissent and for the anti-war movement.

Please write to Vic Williams in prison, c/o 265 Seven Sisters Road, London N4.

12 Lapour Brigrine

A YEAR AGO the invasion of Kuwait by Iraq was initially greeted by silence. Only after the extent of Kuwaiti holdings in Britain and the importance of its oil reserves were fully realised did Thatcher wing her way to Bush.

His subsequent conversion to opposing aggression and supporting democracy was so sudden it made Paul's episode on the road to Damascus appear a mere whim.

The media swallowed this nonsense without protest - and Labour Party Conference in October endorsed the Tory war cry. The debate, you may recall, was given a place in history when John Edmonds told the Conference he would not like to be a tank commander in the desert being told what to do bya committee. After all, he might want to launch a “preemptive strike”. So for all the money spent, all the lives lost, all the liberties suppressed - what has been solved?

The answer has to be nothing: no homeland for the Palestinians, no democracy in Kuwait, a dirty environment, poverty and carnage in Iraq and the Kurdish people still fighting for self-determination.

Will Labour learn the lesson and stand up to the next disastrous bout of jingoism?

THE FAR RIGHT in Sweden have gained a foothold in parliament on the basis of a racist campaign. Sweden's transformation from model haven for those fleeing oppression to full membership of the Euro-xenophobes club now looks complete.

Britain has become a leader in this pack, with Kenneth Baker, fresh from his triumphant retreat on dogs, turning his attention to asylum seekers.

He plans to exclude them by visa requirements, fining airlines £2000 for every passenger not admitted, stopping access to green form legal aid advice, denying a right of appeal and insisting on removal to the first stop even for asylum seekers from distant parts.

On top of this is the denial of any funds to help with housing, health and education to refugees who do gain admission and a nasty and very overt attempt to create a racist backlash.

I deal face to face with the horror of people fleeing from Somalia, Zaire, Sri Lanka and other places. When they set out for Britain they cannot be certain of their fate or their families’ fate; they are just trying, against tremendous odds, to survive.

If the Tories make this an election issue we should not concede the ground and apologise but stand firm for what is right - and that means arguing for the right to asylum.

FINALLY, I HOPE the election does come soon and that we fight it on a commitment to eliminate poverty and expand health, education and housing. On that programme we can win.

However, if we are to expel every one on the lists Chris Patten sends to Neil Kinnock, what does that tell the public about our resolve to deal with their problems?

BOUR PAR

Short shrift for women-only short-lists

HEN THE National Executive

Committee's Women’s Committee (NECWC) was formed two years ago from the merger of the National Women’s Committee and the Women’s Subcommittee of the NEC it was argued that the new body would be more important and powerful than its predecessors. That promise has yet to be fulfilled

Lorraine Monk London regional

representative NEC Women’s Committee

The 23-strong NECWC has representatives from the regions (though much reduced in number from the old National Women's Committee], the trades unions and the NEC (three MPs).

It is allowed to meet six times a year and has spent most of its time this year debating quotas and their implementation

i believe we moved a big step forward when, just before the National Women’s Conference, the NECWC agreed to support the imposition of women-only shortlists for target Parliamentary seats - the way to get change in the nature of parliamentary representation. It is now clear that the mechanism of “one woman ‘on every shorllist” where one was nominated, will have failed abysmally to

improve the ratio of female to male Labour MPs after the next election.

This year the NEC will not support the imposition of women only shorllists. The NEC report quotes a recent consultation exercise as evidence that a large majority of the Party would reject this measure. However, according to this same report a majority of the Party does support womenonly shortlists. Which leaves us as a Party supporting womerronly lists, but without any mechanism to implement them. It isn’t only Nicholas Ridley who operates “not in my backyard” policies!

The fundamental problem is still the ageold dilemma for feminism: the majority of people with power, i.e. men, are unwilling to give it up. Yes, the men on the NEC are to blame, but so are all the other institutions, clubs and “old boys” networks within the movement which fail to take women’s issues seriously. That holds true for the left as well as the right.

Time and again reports from the regions indicate that some offices and officers are not giving Women’s Sections or Regional Women’s Committees the backing they need. For training, conferences, newslet fers - no money, no support. Again and again the NECWC receives complaints that the Party's profile is too macho.

It's not enough to put one pretty blonde ona the cover of a policy document. Welcome as it is to see Margaret Beckett's

heightened media profile, why does she always seem to be on the edge of the smiling trio of Gordon, Tony and John, like a session singer with a sixties folk group?

The glossy, easy-to-use ring pull binder produced for our manifesto covered nearly every conceivable policy topic - but “women” did not feature in the index. Blaming the oversight on a temporary worker doesn’t account for nobody else at Walworth Road noticing it.

Men in the Party have learnt to acknow!- edge that women have a “difficult” time and that responsibility for childcare is “hard”, but there is no real attempt by the Party organisation or members to address those difficulties or ease those hardships. The fact that the NECWC is a subcommittee - and one deigned so unimpor tant that it will not meet formally during Conference - is symptomatic of the malaise. Yes, women’s lot under Thatcher and Major has been horrendous. Yes, the Tories must be defeated, but we need to tackle the fundamental roots of inequality

Quotas, if implemented, will go some way to change things, so will a Ministry for Women and women-only shortlists, but it is attitudes that need to change fundamentally - in the draughty halls and stuffy meeting rooms where local parties still conduct so much of their business, as well as in the corridors of Westminster and the offices of Walworth Road.

Eric Heffer on Neil Kinnock:

“Polls seem to dominate his thinking. At times he thrusts ou his chin like Mussolini. If Labour wins the next election it will } be despite, not because of, Kinnock’s supposedly inspirational leadership. Some will say Im being too harsh and that Neil really a kind, friendly person. | have not found him so. There is a vindictive trait in him. He does not forgive or forget unless his opponent capitulates entirely. fis attitude is somewhat like Stalin’s after the death of Lenin. Of course, do not mean he would imprison his opponents; it is just that, . like Stalin, he joined the right to marginalize the left. He then set out to absorb the right by taking over their policies. Kinnock has yer to be a great cynical manipulator who has used the party’s dislike and fear of Thatcher to revisionist policies accepted. He has gone farther fae . Gaitskell in revising the Party’s principles, policies and organization.” litics of an adopted _ by Verso, £16.95.

From Never a Yes Man, the life and Liverpudlian, publis!

Se eT

Eric Heffer addressing a Labour Briefing fringe meeting

Lasour Brierine 13

LABOUR PARTY

It’s still not too late!

SAIN the powers thatbe in the Party are ignoring the argu-

tory. Only twice since 1945 ties polled less than 41% of the

cess exposed jovernment. What

bined vement uld kill off once

2 splits in the Tory Party »

down and which Major has since

Anyone with an ounce of political ding will know that a progr iture, with clear NHS, education,

transport would be amme of

1 with cuts in defence European levels id the British Army

and proposals t @ Rhine

jon and diversificaprotect jobs, ould sweep the under the Tories. Surely with meless on our streets and the visibly crumbling, a housenuilding programme based on allowing local authorities to borrow and use capital for that purpose would be popular. A party political broadcast showing the fate of homeless people in the streets - ions to this tragedy -

e effective than anodyne murmurs from frontbench spokespersons ractising a “cult of Ilack of} personality”. Our social policy agenda could then be

alongside commitments in three other sublic ownership, full employment

unpopular. A commitment to take these

14 Lanour BRizFING

“Labour haven’t got the policies; they have failed to map out a clear alternative; and they haven’t got the power.” Thus spoke Paddy Ashdown at the recent Liberal Democrat conference. Just what he meant by “power” is a mystery. But there is no doubt that more and more voters share Ashdown’s verdict on Labour's failure to present clear alternative policies. John Wilton, Labour's Prospective Parliamentary Candidate for Birmingham Edgbaston, prescribes a stiff dose of socialism as the best medicine for Labour's creaking general election campaign.

and other utilities (such as BT) back into public ownership would win votes - especially if it was accompanied by proposals to democratise these industries and make them really accountable fo the public.

After two Tory recessions in twelve years, surely a commitment by labour to a boldly stated goal of full employment would be a vote winner. Obviously it would not be achieved overnight; we ne~d to redefine the term and incorporate into it proposals for a shorter working year, week and day and back it up with a properly funded education and training programme and repeal of all Tory antitrade union lows.

Finally, now more than ever we should be arguing for unilateral nuclear disarmament. In recent years there has been an element of self-censorship on this subject by parts of the left which has allowed Kaufman and Kinnock to use articles in the Guardian and appearances on Sunday morning TV to drag labour ever deeper into the nuclear mire.

We have been told year after year to put our faith in the "Party modernisers” They have run Walworth Road, Confer: ence, and the Party their own way. Now everyone can see the result: the Party is financially and politically bankrupt, We are £1.7 million in debt. The national membership scheme is a shambles Members are apathetic and disenchanted. Branches and general committees are collapsing or barely quorate

Many members are fed-up with being told which policies to dump and which members to expel by Walworth Road “smart suits” who can't even manage to send a membership card out on time! This centralised, authoritarian, “leave the politics to us” approach is killing the Party at the grassroots as dead as Monty Python’s Parrot.

Prospective Parliamentary Candidates are even told not to give their own answers fo questionnaires they receive from pressure groups, but always to use standard answers supplied by head office. This sort of imposed uniformity doesn’t even occur in Moscow any more!

In case anyone is confused by articles in The Director {!) by the Party leader stating that “the Party never believed in wholesale nationalisation”, some facts might be useful. A survey of labour Party members carried out by Sheffield University last year for Party head office revealed that 71% of members wanted more nationalisation and 81% thought “the public enterprises privatised by the Tory government should be retuned to the public sector”

The survey also reported that Party “members hold distinctive principled beliefs on public ownership, public expenditure, trade union bargaining rights and nonnuclear defence”

Party members can still take action to push Labour to victory in the election. The “keep your head down and don't rock the boat” approach only plays into the Tories’ hands.

Even at this late hour, a concise, radical programme - and a strong dose of internal democracy - would revive the Party and its members.

The master of mendacity

This month’s Class Traitor is the most despised individual in the labour movement. We refer, of course, to the Prospective Parliamentary Candidate for Hartlepool, Peter Mandelson.

N 1985 Mandelson became Labour's

first Director of Campaigns and Communications, thanks largely to the backstage manoeuvres of Charles Clarke, Kinnock's top personal aid

Clarke and Mandelson go back ¢ long way «to the days when Clarke was NUS President and Mandelson was chasing round Oxford halls garnering votes for union elections. Later, when Clarke was head of the International Youth Council, Mandelson worked for its British wing, the British Youth Council. When Clarke became a Hackney councillor, Mandelson ended up with a job as a community liaison worker with the Council.

From there he moved on to a producer's job at LWT, his only real work in the media. Rumour has it that Mandelson was on the verge of leaving the labour party for the SDP - and was in fact sharing accommodation with an SDP press officer - when he got the job at Walworth Road.

Mandelson quickly established himself as an independent power at Walworth Road, sidelining Larry Whitty and the NEC by virtue of his direct links to Kinnock’s office.

He concentrated on cultivating a handful of key contacts in the “quality press’, knowing that they set the political agenda for the much more influential broadcast media.

Mandelson became adept at seducing journalists by offering them an “inside track", a sneak preview into what passes for the leader's mind. Because he was known to be speaking for Kinnock, hungry lobby correspondents hung on his every offtherecord utterance.

As important to Mandelson as what he got into the media was what he kept out of it. In February 1986, he went to consider able lengths to convince the BBC that Benn should not appear on Question Time. He ensured that the lesbian and gay rights debates at the 1986 and 1988 confer ences were scheduled to coincide with children’s TV - which interrupts live cover age. In 1990, in his parting shot, he pushed the debate on the Gulf crisis into the same slot.

In his efforts to build up Kinnock as a “strong” leader, he grossly distorted the content of PLP and NEC meetings. MPs often observed that there was no correlation between Kinnock’s long, rambling, off-

the-cuff lectures to the PLP and the NEC and the crisp, authoritative “sound bites” attributed to him the next day in the

pers.

In 1989, following the NEC's decision to disallow amendments to the Policy Review, Mandelson and his then assistant Colin Byme told reporters that Kinnock had squashed attempts by the soft left to

S TRAITOR OF THE MONTH

press launches. In 1990 he spent days working out the formula for the looking to the Future launch so as to exclude Michael Meacher, one of his pet hates.

Mandelson originally intended to stay in place at Walworth Road right up to the general election, Hartlepool duties notwithstanding. But key members of both the Shadow Cabinet and the NEC didn’t like

overturn him on the issue. David Blunkett complained: “The message that the briefings seem to give is that the Party is winning when the activists are defeated.”

But the likes of Blunkett were always easy meat for Mandelson, who had seen from the beginning that the way to handle the soft left (whom he regarded as politi cally unreliable) was by a mixture of the carrot and the stick.

the idea. Gordon Colling of the NGA mobilised the NEC trades union representatives and Mandel son was made to step down

To add insult to injury, the NEC refused to appoint Byrne as Mandelson’s successor, and opted instead for television producer John Underwood.

Underwood let it be known that unlike his predecessor he worked for the whole of the Party, not one faction only. This won

Anyone who stepped out of line - as did, on occasion, Prescott, Meacher, Gould, Blunkett and Short - would get the works: hostile, offen demeaning stories would appear in the press. Those who did as they were told would be rewarded with a positive place in Labour's media profile.

Mandelson increasingly came to believe his own propaganda. In mid-1988 he reported to the Campaigns Strategy Committee that “the launch of the Party's NHS Bedwatch campaign” had “sue: ceeded in making the NHS the dominant issue for the nation”. Apparently, the extraordinary strike action by nurses had nothing to do with it.

During Mandelson’s campaign for the Hartlepool Parliamentary selection, some of his staff at Walworth Road used the Party's facilities to issue his personal statements fo the press. The NUJ Father of the Chapel at Walworth Road was asked by irate staff to intervene; Mandelson was forced to desist.

One of his favourite pastimes was shaping the platforms for his legendary

him the enmity of the Kinnock loyalists. Critical remarks about Underwood by unnamed MPs emerged in the press. PR Week reported that in the light of Underwood's alleged “stonewalling” of the press, “some pundits predict that in the coming weeks dealings with the press and lobby will switch to...Colin Byrne”.

Byrne [very much one of the LCC/NOLS gang at Walworth Road) was at that very moment finalising plans for his marriage to Julie Hall, Kinnock's personal press officer. Mandelson was brought back by Kinnock for the Monmouth byelection and claimed credit for the victory, though all he had done was stand around and chat to journalists.

Soon after Underwood insisted to Whitty that Byrne be transferred; Whitty agreed but Kinnock refused. The hopelessly undermined Underwood resigned

His replacement, David Hill (Hattersley’s PA for twenty years}, is an irrelevance, The real power in Labour's publicity machine now lies in Byrne's hands - and Byrne's puppet master is Mandelson

xo 18

Lapoeur Brirri

LABOUR PAR

Who’s afraid of Dave Nellist?

Labour's big purge has finally reached the Parliamentary Labour Party. Briefing editor Mike Marqusee argues for justice for Terry Fields and Dave Nellist.

OVENTRY SOUTH EAST Labour Party has produced an “Alternative

Dossier” in defence of local MP Dave Ne!

mparing

2-page Walworth Rox

which {like the similar one

piled on Terry Fields), consists of

hing but photocopies of articles from the

itant going back to the early eighties the articles don't even

\P in question. And there are no

from the last twelve months. Very

n that less than twelve months

Fields and Nellist were endorsed

as Parliamentary candidates by the very

NEC which now demands

s. Nothing is known about

now that wasn’t known to

rs or to the NEC

election

‘upidity of this vendetta

s amply demonstrated by the "Alter

native Dossier’ which reprodu

it uting the NEC

ustained course of cond

fo the party”. The array

of testimonials is powerful evidence

that Dave has spent his eight years

ood eff

Ine after a they have

rin: local wards, trades

‘ons, community groups and

ts. They all praise Dave's

mitment, popularity and effec-

as. an MP: many express

ishment and anger at Kinnock’s

is well worth

prejudic'

con

recent behaviour try Labour da statement

as "second to none with the people of Coventry’. Protests against the witch-hunt have come in

UCW, TGWU, CPSA

from

TT Midlands Region, NCU branches in London ng Telegraph says: him many times but s clear: he is a firstclass, hardituency MP. His conscienjo constituents’ problems puts many other MPs to sha In 1987, Dave retained his seat with a 5% swing from the Tories, the best result ‘ West Midlands. Terry had

16 Lasour BRIEFING

a similar success in liverpool Broadgreen. labour would have won the election if that swing had been repeated nationwide.

This year for the first time all twelve councillors representing wards in Coventry South Ea Labour councillors, thanks in part to Dave.

No wonder Chris Patten wrote to Kinnock twice demanding the heads of Fields and Nellist and even urging action against the Campaign Group because it backed Nellist in this year's NEC elections. “Do your job properly,” the Tory Chair growled at Kinnock, who seems all too willing to let our opponents dictate his job description.

Photo: Phil Maxwell

labour's intensifying purge has indeed made an ugly spectacle for the general public in recent months. The methods employed have disturbed even the normally somnolent liberal consciences at the Guardian and the Independent. The camera-toting witchfinders in Walton have attracted most publicity, but a glance at any of the “dossiers” recently produced by the Director of Organisation, with their photocopied leaflets, letters, Labour Group reports, letters to the press and, of course,

articles in leftwing papers like Labour Briefing, will convince anyone that the Walworth Road “state within a state” is keeping tabs on us

The attacks on Fields and Nellist are the culmination of a process which has seen scores of Party members and sitting councillors removed from council selection panels, manifestos and candidates imposed, Parliamentary byelection panels rigged, and hundreds expelled for membership of Militant.

This year alone Walworth Road has conducted investigations into Birkenhead, liverpool several times}, Nottingham East, St Helens, Tower Hamlets, Brighton, and lambeth. In a general election year this waste of time and money is unforgivable.

Meanwhile, selectionfixing in Small Heath is treated with kid gloves and the NEC won't even look at the serious allegations made by Paul Davies about the role of the new Regional Organiser in the rerun Birkenhead contest. Robert © Maxwell, whose violations of the

Party constitution are legion, is stil accorded Labour's “Most Favourite Millionaire” status.

If the NEC is going to object to people's links with Militant, then how about a thorough-going investigation into all the extraparliamentary associations of labour MPs - including those with Washington-funded pressure groups or big businesses. And if we're worried about Party members "sailing under false colours", how about some action against Labour councils which break their manifesto commitments?

Kinnock has so lost all political direction that the only decisive action he now knows how to take is against members of his own Party. He also fears the power which a small group of left MPs might hold following a narrow Labour victory in the general election. He knows there are still people in the Parliamentary Labour Party who will not allow a Labour government to attack its own supporters or slaughter the poor and oppressed in foreign lands. He is taking steps to eliminate them now, while the Party is locked into pre-election dociliy

Brighton purge: the facts

The National Executive, after a year-long “investigation” of the suspended Brighton Labour Party, has voted to initiate disciplinary proceedings against twenty-five of its most active members. Jill Arnold, a Brighton Labour Party member (stilll), lifts the lid on the lies, distortions and plain folly of the latest Walworth Road witch-hunt.

Dave Lewney (armed with Briefing) and comrades lobby Labour's “investigation*

HE BRIGHTON Party was

suspended a year ago on the basis of a document submit ted to the NEC by Director of Organisation Joyce Gould which claimed that “a number of complaints have been received expressing concer at the increasingly disruptive role of alleged Militant supporters in Brighton.”

The suspension and subsequent investigation were presented as yet another attempt to curb Militant. In fact, to anyone with a passing knowledge of labour in Brighton, the allegation of Militant domination was absurd. As even the local Tory rag, the Evening Argus, noted in a recent editorial, Militant's “high point came in 1983...since then its influence has slowly declined

The real trigger for the witchhunt was that the leadership of the ruling labour Group on Brighton Council took fright at the emerging broad-based opposition to its increasingly rightwing behaviour.

Activists who had played a key role in electing Brighton‘s first ever Labour council in 1986 on a socialist manifesto voted repeatedly in the General Committee to oppose the

Council's stand on issues like the Poll Tax and cuts in jobs and services. Militant supporters were welcome participants in a broad coalition, including Briefing supporters and some comrades whose polities could fairly be described as middle-of the-road, which insisted on reminding the Labour councillors of the policies and prin: ciples on which they had sought selection and election.

For the council leadership, which had no intention of being bound by Party policy or manifesto commitments, this was most inconvenient

The struggle reached a climax when six Labour councillors were suspended from the Group for their public opposition to the Poll Tax. The GC was in uproar. It had voted consistently against disciplinary action. Many members who did not themselves support the stand of the six councillors still felt strongly about their right to remain in the Labour Group. A substantial majority on the GC was united in wanting the problems discussed and debated - not “solved” by breaking up the Panty!

This broad agreement, bridging all kinds of political divides, was too great a threat

to exleft Council leader Steve Bassam and his coterie; they pushed the panic button; the local Party was suspended

Now it appears the Party is to be reconstructed from the ground-up by Regional Office. At least we will be back in operation But just what has been achieved by the “investigation” and the suspensions?

The chief declared aim of the exercise was to reduce Militant influence in Brighton. The loss of some active Militant support ers from the Party, including Brighton and East Sussex County councillors, will be a blow fo the Party which no doubt Joyce Gould will claim as a “success”. Militant, however, are far from having been “eliminated” from the local scene.

The rightwing also claimed that it wanted a more united, less fractious local Party. In fact, thanks to their actions, the level of discontent and disunity will now be higher than ever. Many Party members will continue to oppose all witch-hunts; others, previously unconvinced, will scan the list of twenty-five names and will be horrified to find how wide the disciplinary net has been cast. It will become clear to them just where the slippery slope of the anti-Militant purge is leading

Just why some of the comrades have been placed on the NEC list defies any rational explanation.

The feeling in Brighton is that many more local members, aghast at the widening of this already unpopular witch-hunt, will come to oppose it.

LABOUR PARTY

“It makes no sense to me at all, Apparently some of us have been included on the NEC list because we tried to keep a women's group going after the Investigation began last autumn. That hardly seems to ‘warrant suspension from the Party.” ~ Ann Bellis, one of the suspended twenty-five and a former chair, vicechair and secretary of Brighton Women’s Section.

“The left in Brighton was witch-hunted because it was successful. It overcame divisions to pose a real threat to the New Realists who run the Council. We need the some kind of unity in action now. The best way to defend us is to stay in the Party and fight - for a Labour government and against witch-hunts, cuts, ond the Poll Tox.”

- Dove Lewney, one of the suspended

twenty-five

“The reason they’re attacking the left in Brighton is because of the unity we created among ordinary Party members against cuts, rent rises, privatisation, redundandes and the Poll Tax. There are 30,000 people not paying the Poll Tax in Brighton and all three town hall unions are now considering industrial action against cuts. So the twentyfive are far from standing alone.”

= Kate Packham, one of the suspended twenty-five.

Brighton's Lobour Council leadership has disciplined 0 woman councillor for signing 0 motion in support of Sora Thornton. This same leadership hos tumed c blind eye to three right-wing Labour councillors who have also broken the whip.

Following the local Party’s suspension by the NEC last year, a broad-based group of activists set up the Friends of Brighton Labour Party to allow local members to stay In touch and to campaign against the suspension. Joyce Gould says the Friends “have played a destructive ‘and unacceptable role in the Party” and has ordered its “disbandment”. So now Labour's Director of Organisation feels free to order the dismantling of pressure groups existing entirely outside Party structures - structures from which, In any case, all supporters of the Friends had been excluded,

Lagpowur BrirFine 17

ty five of its most a face expulsion loc hen, for a that will have little

neral public, a pure “politi th no guiding

18 Lasour BRIEFING

At this year’s Party conference there will be few of the setpiece leftright battles which set past Labour gatherings alight. But that doesn’t mean socialists should ignore developments in Brighton. Bryn Griffiths, Tottenham CLP, argues that Kinnock is exploiting the current docility of the Party to push through rules revisions intended to block rank-and-file revolts

in the future.

previously docile bureaucrats could come under rank and file pressure to demand more from Kinnock than jam tomorrow, In particular, public sector support for the leadership has been predicated on the constantly fepeated assurance that "Neil will deliver on low pay’. If he fails, there could well be a revolt of the block votes. As we will see, preparations to fend this off are already well in hand

If there is a hung parliament an increasingly plausible scenario}, Ashdown will demand PR as the price of Lib Dem support. Does anyone believe Kinnock will resist the lure - especially as this will certainly be his only shot at power? Hence the huge importance of the PR debate at this conference. Lefrwing PR supporters, pipe-dreaming of a new socialist party, should think twice before they end up strengthening the coalitionists.

Kinnock himself has been careful to avoid public proPR statements so as not to under mine confidence in Labour's ability to form a majority government. But he has also avoided any outright opposition to it. He is keeping his options open - because he would sell his soul to get his butt into Number 10.

The importance of defeating PR at conference was w jt by Pete Willsman in

change of direction and the return to some kind of modest labour reformism. This prospect is loathed by the “modernising”, antitrade union, Mandel son-ite rightwingers in the PLP; they are already working to minimise any future trade union or constituency influence in the Party.

Whatever the result of the election, then, it is clear that the Parliamentary Labour Party hierarchy must move now, while the going is good, to preserve its room for manoeuvre and protect itself from the just retribution of the rankand file. Hence the recent flood of constitutional amendments, which will continue unabated at Brighton.

The purpose of all these “teforms” is clear: to obstruct the channels through which Party members and trades unionists can exercise control over the Parliamentary leadership.

The attacks on reselection are a case in point. They are designed to protect MPs from challenges by local activists. The imposition of a triggerballot on constituencies before they can even start a reselection process where there is a siting MP would make even the likes

of Reg Prentice feel secure. In effect the sitting MPs would have to lose a vote of local members twice (in the midst, no doubt, of escalating publicity} before they would lose their Parliamentary “jobs for life”.

It is also being suggested that reselections should be limited to the summer parliamentary recess - when many Party members with children will be taking their holidays!

The proposals on trade union involvement in reselection are now so confused and cumber some that no section of the Party is likely to support them. The aim of the Labour right - made explicit by the [CC - is to remove trade union influence altogether. The new leader shipfriendly National Policy Forum is designed to by-pass conference and undermine the power of both trade union and constituency rank and file to influence Party policy.

So while for the most part this year's conference may be dull and uninspiring, constitutional changes are underway which may determine whether we continue to have an organisa tionally independent working class party that we can recog: nise as such by the time the decade draws to a close.

Va

The officers of Islington North | CLP send greetings to Confer- || ence and call on delegates to | support the plans for a Black Socialist Society - support Islington North’s resolution! | | Oscar Abrams (chair),

Keith Veness (agent), | Jan Schling (treasurer),

Jeremy Corbyn MP.

OUR PARTY

UNDED IN part by

chocolate money from the Joseph Rowntree Reform Trust, this expensive document is precisely not what the Labour Party needs when faced with an imminent general election.

The report concludes with platitudes about wanting to assist debate which illustrate the dilemma facing the pro-PR tendency in the Labour Party: any call for proportional representation {PR} can be seized upon by the Tories as an indication that Labour cannot win a general election outright

One suspects that some among the PR tendency accept that view and are all too ready to negotiate a deal with liberals, Scots Nats, lan Paisley or any other political rag, tag and bobtail outfit, as long as they can have a few jobs whilst

Plantitudes: a disproportionate disaster

Despite the ballyhoo in the “quality” press which accompanied its publication, the Plant Report on electoral reform commissioned by the Labour leadership is already sinking out of sight. Labour MP Bob Cryer takes on the PR lobby and urges the Party to learn the real lessons of

have shared in government for more than twenty years -

despite never having more than 10% of the vote! And this is the

Executive Committee, Labour could well be tempted to support PR. No doubt the leadership is attracted by the party list system, in which all candidates

Conservative Labour

Alliance

SNP

Plaid Cymru

N. Ireland Parties Other

1983 Actual

Result Result

397

209

23

2 7 3

2 3 3

17 16 17 4 3

1987

PR Actual

276 179 165

376 229 22

Source: House of Commons Library

PR Result Result

275 200 147

2 end of the Labour 15 Party. The coalition

would be appointed by the NEC and all rights of selection by Constituency Labour Parties would be removed.

If this system were adopted, it would certainly mean the

would break up, since sections of both right and left, encouraged

slinging policy commitments out the window

PR will reduce general elections to political farces. Whatever policies are put forward, voters will know that the teal programme will be cooked up behind closed doors after the election. Then the various parties can hammer out a programme to meet the competing ambitions of the leaders and their cronies. The government can sometimes be changed altogether without the bother of an election! This happened in Germany when the Free Democrats changed coalition partners and thereby installed a new government

Indeed, the Free Democrats

country cited by the PR tendency as an example of democracy in action

Under PR small parties gain power out of all proportion to the vote which they receive, which is precisely why the Lib Dems are so keen on the system. Figures obtained from the House of Commons library demonstrate just how much they would benefit from PR {see table}. Under PR, Labour would have lost seats in both 1983 and 1987; the Alliance would have gained massively.

The Labour Party is a coalition of ideas. Under its current autocratic leadership, with a majority of subservient Kinnockite clones on the National

by the exaggerated power given to small parties, would believe that they would gain more leverage over government by going it alone than by sticking with a centralised, dictatorial and undemocratic party. Sensibly, the majority of countries understand the antidemocratic effects of PR. Eightyseven of them use simple plurality (or “first past the post");

European experience.

only 32 use the list system Twenty other states use various PR systems which still choo: 64% of seats by the “first past the post” method

The profusion of small parties does not necessarily stimulate a high turnout. West Germany has recorded the highest turnout among EEC states with 84.3% but the UK was a creditable fourth with 75.4%. ltaly recorded 2,675,292 spoilt papers in the most recent national election, compared to just 22,511 in the UK. That proportion of spoilt ballots in repeated in Britain, would mean a damaging loss of seats for Labour.

Underneath all the technicalities of PR is the hard fact that it means Labour losing the capacity to implement the policies we have fought for; it means no minimum wage, no rights for trade unionists, no shift of wealth and power in favour of working people.

We need a majority Labour government. That is why Labour must set its face against the illusions of PR.

| 4 Forster Road, Tottenham High Road, London N17 6QD Telephone: 081-808-1677 Fax: 081-365-1776

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Lasour BrieFrine 19

LABOUR PARTY

Hodge watch

FTER ALL the fuss

about “one member one vote", LCCers have been strangely indifferent to the OMOV ballots conducted for this year’s NEC elections. In many constituencies, it's been left to the left to organise the ballot and motivate members to participate.

Maybe the LCC saw the Islington North result coming. In what must be one of the highest turn-outs for an OMOV ballot in the country, 134 members cast ballots The full Campaign Group slate was supported, with local MP Jeremy Corbyn topping the poll with 115 votes. Islington Council leader Margaret Hodge, who represents a ward in the constituency, came a poor tenth with 45 votes

Perhaps the Islington North ballot, one of the first to be counted and announced, inspired Hodge to punctuate her latest Tribune column lly unreadably anoextravagant remarks like this: “In my view t is time to put caution to the wind and to adopt a far Voters

approach hat ther ing radical a nt about us and that g Labour will make a difference to their daytoday I

ally

Our ppears to be based on the negative principle that we should say nothing which will alienate voters. Of cour uld swi positive approach to that what ay 3 inspi

20 Lasour BrireinG

There is much we can promote which does not bear a price tag...”

The true face of Hodge was seen in a meeting of the Islington Labour Group on Monday, September 16th when Hodge tried to defend the despatch of bailiffs’ letters to the borough's thousands of Poll Tax nonpayers. This action, never discussed in the Labour Group, was in flagrant contravention of local Party policy and the 1990 manifesto commitment not to use bailiffs.

Hodge tried to weasel her way out of this act of bad faith by arguing that Islington would not really use bailiffs, it was just necessary to send out the letters before attachment of earnings orders could be made. As readers will know, a liability order suffices for this purpose. Either Hodge was confused, misinformed by senior officers or deliberately misleading the Labour Group. Whichever it is, it doesn’t say much for her boast in the letter she sent to CPs seeking their support in the NEC elections: her “hands on experience” in running Islington counc “would undoubtedly be of help in running the Labour Party”

Mare to the willingness to letters to terrorise the most vulnerable people in the community - and set them up as scapegoats for the big cuts in sen have to mak ought to disqui any labour movem

id ba

AMONG THE EXHIBITORS at this year's Party conference: Mercury Communications, British Gas ple, Nuclear Electric, BT, B&Q, the ten privatised water companies, Kingfisher retail group (Wolk worths}, Cable TV Association, BA, BNFL, Merck (legitimate drug barons), National Power, NatWest, Nirex, Cellnet, Cour age and the Brewers’ Society.

JUST LIKE YOUR local Labour council, the Labour Party Head Office is deep in debt and planning to solve its financial crisis by cutbacks and redundancies.

This year’s NEC Report admits to a net loss of £289,000 in the last financial year - bringing total losses since 1986 to well over £1.5 million. In the three years prior to that, under Jim Mortimer’s regime, the Party ran a surplus. With HQ operating at “full staffing levels” in readiness for a general election, the deficit is growing even as we speak.

Despite all the self-congratulation about £500 a plate dinners, the NEC Report predicts “a deterioration of our income in real terms” and warns that “it is inevitable after the general election that there will be a substantial reduction in the Party’s expenditure with subsequent reduction in levels of activity”.

Last year Party members subsidised the unput-downable Labour Party News to the tune of £271,000 - only

Walworth Road doesn’t look at it that way. The NEC Report claims that £220,00 of this total is “subscription income”.

“OPPORTUNITY BRITAIN" is to be the “theme of the week", larry Whitty declares in the official guide to Labour Party conference. And sure enough there it is on the front cover - “Opportunity Britain’, as bold as brass, splashed across a full page colour photo of Neil Kinnock surrounded by a gang of over forty redjumpered children - and not a black face in sight.

KEN COLLINS, MEP for Strathclyde East, has accepted tickets as a gift from British Nuclear Fuels Ltd. And why not? you ask...after all, the Chair of the European Parliament Environment Committee has a right to enjoy his leisure...

WALWORTH ROAD’S CLAIM. that membership increased by just under 6%, from 293,723 in 1989 to 311,152 in 1990 doesn’t add up. Income from individual membership subscriptions declined in 1990 to £957,000 from 1989's £983,000.

As for the National Member: ship Scheme, the NEC Report admits "1991 has been a difficult year’, it promises “a first class service in the future”. It doesn’t mention the outstanding backlog of unprocessed and unpaid subscriptions for 1991 - and what that might imply for next year's membership figures.

Birmingham Labour Briefing Socialist greetings to Labour Party Conference!

HE EETPU is gunning for Clare Short. lis delegation to her Birmingham Ladywood constituency has increased from four to seventeen in the last eighteen months. This level of affiliation would imply that the EETPU has at least 1,700 members living in the constituency In alliance with the GMB, AEU and other trade union rightwingers, the EETPU could control a quarter of the electoral college in the selection contest scheduled for November {unless

Caught Short

the NEC intercedes}. Short's opponent will be Sardul Marwa, a former councillor and EETPU member. The recent big influx of Asian members will benefit his candidacy,

The selection has already been frozen for over a year following a row over the Coop Party delegation. A recent BBC TV news programme exposed

the chicanery which secured Roger Godsiff the nomination in neighbouring Small Heath, where the GC was packed with EETPU and GMB delegates, some of whose affiliation fees were paid by Roger Godsiff, the GMB fulltimer who “won” the contest. The EETPU may now expect a quid pro quo from the GMB in the form

LABOU

RTY

of support for its man in ladywood. The BBC programme revealed that the EETPU was affiliating like mad to Labour constituencies across the West Midlands.

None of this information emerged from the prolonged investigation into Small Heath carried out by Labour's Director of Organisation. Indeed, when the NEC voted overwhelmingly against scrapping the selection and starting again, Clare Short, as usual, was among the majority.

Rooker’ed THE PARLIAMENTARY selection

contest in Birmingham Perry Barr was stopped last year when sitting MP Jeff Rooker panicked because he thought his job might be under threat, For the last year the constituency, with one of the largest memberships in Birmingham, has been a shambles as the secretary (a Labour councillor in rightwing Handsworth Ward) missed meetings, notices went out late and correspondence lay untouched. At the same time the EETPU was up to its old tricks, sending delegates from branches as far afield as Bromley, Kent (where EETPU head office is based} and

Warrington, Lancashire.

Nonetheless, the local right wingers botched this year's AGM which elected a leftwing

The SHADOW!

ComHUN cATIONS

secretary; complaints were made to Regional Office which reconvened the meeting. However, the right had no candidates of its own to oppose to the officers elected at the first AGM. They were saved by Regional Office insistence that unopposed nominations must be subject to an affirmative vote; the upshot was that all the nominations were vetoed - even branch nominations for the Executive Committee. So the CLP has no secretary, no treasurer and no Executive Committee.

lt is now effectively suspended. It has sent no motion and at last report had nominated no delegate to Party

conference. Rooker has let it be known he is prepared to be imposed on the constituency when a general election is called

Meanwhile it was revealed that Rooker had written to Paddy Ashdown suggesting some kind of alliance. “What advice would you give if voters could express a second preference at the forthcoming elections,” he asked the Lib Dem leader. Unless readers think this is just Jeff's welkknown passion for PR at work, they should be advised that the Lib Dems have recently been making inroads in Perry Barr and won council seats in the constituency in May,

Agency 1s IN

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Lasour Batrrina 21

TRADE UNION NOTEBOOK

Hobson’s choice for railworkers

An RMT member reviews the less than satisfactory selection facing union members in the upcoming ballot to replace Andy Dodds as RMT Assistant General Secretary.

NION ACTIVISTS and

Labour members have been kno. squabble late into the night arguing the toss on whether Andy Dodds performance as RMT AGS was worse than his performance on Labour's NEC.

In any case, Dodds’ decision to take early retirement has left the union's hierarchy without a chosen successor, leaving the door open toa motley crew of hopeful opportunists

The NUS old guard seems to have been swallowed whole by the NUR Jimmy Knapp's appetite is insatiable}; all three candidates come from the railway stable

The only ‘left’ candidate is Tony Donaghey, a train guard from Euston, who is currently serving on the union's Council of Executives lonaghey was one of the key agitators in the one-day stoppages which secured an inflation-busting pay increase in 1989 - the first indication that pethaps Thatcher wasn't invincible, At the Executive, he is always keen to be seen to be the man supporting the minority

reports and is forever attempt ing to overturn the {soon departing} brother Knapp.

Tony's weakness lies in his underlying belief that the troops won't fight. When addressing an angry meeting of guards against driveronly operations, held shortly after the Clapham disaster, Tony played down calls for industrial action and placed his faith in yet another government inquiry. Railworkers had already been witness to such enquiries following the Kings Cross fire, which, in the fullness of time, failed to make London's railways any safer or to stop management attempts at sacking workers on a grand scale.

Yet Tony Donaghey remains the only credible candidate and left activists in the RMT should canvass for him. The others, Peter King and Wilf Proudfoot, must be defeated.

King is a graduate of the Norman Willis school of trade unionism. He has never done a normal (i.e. nontrade union} job in all his working life. Having acquired, in his teens, «@ job at NUR head office by

Two important strikes taking place in Scotland deserve maximum solidarity from the whole labour movement. Albacom Ltd in Dundee is being struck by 130 engineering workers fighting compulsory redundancies. In a sinister development, a court injunction has been issued banning the AEU full-time officer from the picket lines. At Cumbernauld (once the much-vaunted “Caledonian New Town”), 42 workers from Craven Tasker have been on strike for four months over management’s refusal to negotiate this year’s pay rise. The strikers are from the AEU, GMB, EPIU and EETPU. The picket lines have seen repeated harassment from the local

22 Lapocr BRieFING

constabulary and the management have now sacked all the strikers.

In the aftermath of the ambulance drivers’ dispute, local NHS managements have tried to clamp down on the workforce.

Two drivers in Somerset have been socked for the heinous crime of stopping for tea and o sandwich after driving for six hours non-stop. The fwo victimised workers, Tony Stokes (TGWU) ond Mike Wallburton (NUPE), have the full support of their local unions in their battle for reinstotement. They have also won backing from Bridgwater CLP ond the South West TUC. Please send donations and messages of support to SACKED SOMERSET AMBULANCE SUPPORT GROUP, c/o Brion Smedley, 7 Bowerings Road, Hamp, Bridgwater, Somerset.

virtue of the fact that his father was a union activist, King claims in his election address that this background gives him “the right balance of true perspective of what is wanted in terms of services, benefits and representation and advice where it’s needed’. Having worked his way up within the NUR’s administrative structure as far as he could possibly go, King used his appointed position to get himself elected as an RMT Divisional Organiser, a job in which he has utterly failed to distinguish himself,

Being an AGS entails big bucks and loads of prestige and the temptation is too much for our Peter, who, despite making much of his labour Party membership, plays it safe and never expresses a political opinion, which is probably a good job.

The third contestant, Wilf Proudfoot, plays the Kinnockite card by attacking the union's left wing: “lam asking you to vote for me as Assistant General Secretary for wo reasons; firstly, to rid our union of the influence of the extremists who refer to themselves as the Broad left. Secondly, to give back power in our union to ordinary members, who support a commonsense approach by

officials at national level.”

He goes on, "It is easy to be popular by advocating unrealistic pay increases, shorter working weeks, longer holidays, etc. The list is endless. The problem is getting the employer to agree.” Thanks for the news, Wilf!

like Peter King he was elected to the post of Divisional Organiser but unfortunately the Geordie former shopman has had to flee, a hated man, from every region where he has worked, due to his sweetheart deals with management.

Indeed Proudfoot failed to gain a nomination for the AGS election from his own branch.

Being a man of the people, or being a man who can’t drive {believe which line you like), Proudfoot has refused to accept the expensive company cars that are issued to fulltime officers every couple of years. Mrs Proudfoot takes it instead.

Proudfoot’ standing in this election would be amusing if the consequences were not potentially so tragic. Having led strikes as a shopman, he hates them as a fulltime bureaucrat and is standing on a nosstrike platform

He is also probably one of the few individuals who stil believes the Social Contract was a good idea.

Trade Union News: Issue number three out now! In its September/October issue, this new rank and file trade union paper:

* speoks out against the trade union laws and argues for total repeal

* reports on oll current disputes and campoigns

= debates important trade union issues like derecognition, mergers, teamworking ~ looks at workplace organisation and industrial struggle - what's gone wrong

‘ond what's gone right

If you ore o committed trades unionist (employed or unemployed) who wants to know what's going on ocross the movement - order Trade Union News.

40p per copy (reductions for bulk orders)

For sample copies/more information individual or group orders contact: Trade Union News, ¢/o STURG 42 Brogonza Street, London SEI7 (or phone 071 700

1550).

Glasgow’s silver lining

HIS YEAR'S TUC may have

seemed a dreary affair, even by TUC standards, but despite all the pre-election "don't rock the boat” self censorship, all was not without hope.

The good news is that the hard right AEU leadership are becoming increasingly isolated; they were comprehensively defeated on singleunion deals, on Employment Action, on EETPU readmission, on the minimum wage and on black selForganisation.

This didn’t stop Bill Jordan from attacking Scargill from the rostrum then declaring to journalists afterwards: “the blasts from the past we have seen this week may get the

Co

applause of the lay members, but it’s the agreement among the trade union leadership that counts.”

The NUM's motion for repeal of all Tory anti-union laws was backed by 30% of Congress: if the TGWU had swung behind it- as they could well have done, given the ambiguities of their own policy - the Congress would have been evenly divided. In the end, despite the dominance of the Broad Left on the TGWU Executive, the union’s delegation in Blackpool voted heavily against backing the NUM. Another example of the Broad lefi's failure to deliver at crucial moments. More promisingly, the NUM motion was backed by NALGO, MSF,

tional Committee (which splked their last attempt to force the merger through) they are now planning a ballot on “the prindple of amalgamation” In the near future. Jordan and Laird have signed a letter headed “Let’s Get Together” distributed to all AEU branches and printed on the front page of the latest Com tact, the EETPU bulletin. Secret negotiations between Jordan and Laird and Hammond and his successor Paul Gallaher have been held

the NUJ, FIAT, UCATT, BECTU, the Bakers, and the NGA, among others.

By 4.6 million to 3.2 million the Congress defeated an attempt to reverse its policy of phasing out nuclear power over 15 years. Remarkably, this victory was secured without the help of either the TGWU, GMB or AEU, all of whom voted in the pronuclear lobby. The successful amendment was moved by Arthur Scargill

There was also a notable victory for the persistent campaign to defend the rights of Trades Councils and a slight swing to the left on the TUC General Council with the election of Ken Cameron of the FBU.

attacks on UCATT - and has even sent out membership application forms to Its delegates on Labour Party General Committees urging them to make a priority of recruiting among UCATT members in Direct Labour Organisations.Recently the scab union also seduced a minor TGWU building section official, indicating that everyone is fair game for Michael Howard’s favourite “trade union”.

TRADES COUNCILS HAVE won back their rights to organise regionally and to hold an annual conference. Delegates at the TUC in Blackpool voted to withdraw the Congress House proposals fo close

TRADE UNION NOTEBOOK

Norman Willis’ performance defied predictions that he could not get any more embarrassing than he was last year. Amazingly, Norm seems unaware of the contempt in which he is held throughout the movement. The big unions which increas: ingly dominate the TUC are happy to have such a useless figure at the helm; they are pleased that the TUC remains an ineffective cypher because it enables them to call all the shots. This is one of the consequences of the “automaticity” rule, passed in the early 80s, which has enabled a handful of union giants to dominate the General Council without any accountability to the annual Congress.

persuaded their annual conferences to reverse the policy of their TUC representatives, who had earlier backed the Congress House proposals.

Apparently Norman Willis wos even more “pallid ond shaking” than usual when Congress overtumed his diktat.

Women in the unions: Fighting for our rights! Saturday,

Nov 23rd,10am-5pm Wesley House 4 Wild Court

London WC1 Women for Socialism Socialist Movement Trade

Bill Jordan photo Newsform Ver recent weeks - even down the irdes councils network. ; Union Committee while the TUC was condemn- For the trodes councils activists who decided [7 prs Carolyn Sikorski, ‘AEU LEADERS ARE still pushing hard ing the EETPU’s “unprincipled and ag- to dely the General Council and continue meet- 53a Geere Road, for merger with the EETPU. In hopes gressive poaching activities”. ing, this is o sweet victory. Itis alsoa success for London E15 of carving out the elected AEU Na- © Meanwhile the EETPU continues if those people in unions ke RMMT and NUPE who NALGO HAS COMPILED a foscinat- the TGWU with 17.5% ond 15 out of 104, ing chart showing how the percentage of the UCW with 26% and 3 out of 18.

women members in particular unions compares to the percentage of women delegates representing them ot this year’ TUC.

Among the better performances are: AUT, with 15% women members and 4 women delegates out of o total of 7; the Bakers, with 50% and 3 out of 6; BECTU, with 35% and 3 out of 13; the GMB with 32% and 20 out of 95; MSF with 22% ond 12out of 44; NATFHE with 36% and 4 out of 10; the NCU with 20% and 4 out of 19;

Among the (even) worse performers were: BIFU with 56% women members but only 6 women delegates out of a total of 27; NALGO with 55% and 29 out of 72; COHSE with 80% and 6 out of 19; the EIS with 66% ond | out of 9; the IRSF with 63% ond 2 out of 11; the NAS/UWT with 50% ond 3 out of 15; NUPE with 76% ond 14 out of 33; the NUT with 73% and 10 out of 21; Sogat with 28% and 2 out of 34; USDAW with 59% ond 10 out of 35.

Hackney Trades Union Council

sends greetings to all delegates in Brighton: Repeal all Tory anti-union laws! Defend the right to organise!

Erik Rechnitz (President), Peter Shield (Secretary), Keith Veness (Treasurer)

Lasour Brierinc 23

TRADE UNION NOTEBOOK

with the tour, pickets are being ld of Tanks and Drums

T&G Solidarity - at last!

T&G Solidarity Group Programme for the 1990s

@ All full time officers to be elected from relevant sections/groups

@ Full time officers to receive average wage of workers they represent

@ No crossing of any union picket lines in defence of workers’ living standards or union principles

@ Expulsion of scabs from the union

@ Solidarity with all other workers struggling to organise and defend basic union action

@ Expulsion from the union of all organised racists and fascists

@ Opposition to all forms of wage restraint and control @ Opposition to any agreements which make workers pay for the bosses’ crisis

@ Open recruitment of unemployed people and reduction of working week

TGWU: Come in number 2?

Nominations have now dosed in the race to succeed Bill Morris as TGWU Deputy General Secretary. Broad Left candidate Jack Adams led the field with 541 branch nominations to Kinnockite Jack Dromey’s 399. Adams’ nominations induded most of the union’s largest branches and if the rank and file votes the same way as the branches Adams will trounce Dromey.

However, the effects of the pro-Dromey media campaign are hard to predict. It seems unlikely that being “Kinnock’s man” will help Dromey very much but then Adam’s long-time membership of the CP isn’t much of a recommendation af the moment either.

i Voting in the postal ballot TEWU solderny Group supervised by the Electoral 136 Kingsland High Street Ree Society ends on October TWENTY-THOUSAND new yoghurt. On an even Burston on September clared, “or they would UNION of Communica- ighter note, congratulations 8th to commemorate a have packed-up and

tions Workers members at BT are being balloted for action against the job cuts at operator centres throughout Britain. Up to 7,600 jobs are under threat, including those resulting from the drop in demand for directory enquiries which followed introduction of the ludicrous 44.5p charge per call. The result of the ballot is expected on October 2nd.

WITH TRADE UNIONS ying a fortune these days to

24 Lasour BRIEFING

t go to KFAT General

entitled “No

Language” followed by a report about a stall “m women member: on - yes, you've guessed it - International Women’s Day Ser though, this industry has it hard by the Tories

OVER THREE THOUSAND trades unionists, socialists and pensioner activists - many from East Anglia but with sizeable contingents from London and the Midlands - attended a rally in the Norfolk village of

twenty-five year long strike by Annie and Tom Higdon.

The Higdons refused to accept their sacking by the parish council and built and ran an alternative “strike school” on the village green with the help of money from union branches and coops all over the country.

The rally was organised by the TGWU and supported by the NAS/ UWT - whose predecessor unions the Higdons belonged to. The strike school is still there. Bill Morris, Jo Richardson and many others addressed the rally but the mood was best summedup in Dennis Skinner’s fiery opening remarks. “Ws a good job the Higdons weren’t New Realists,” Skinner de-

gone home and none of this would ever have happened.”

NALGO’S NATIONAL LOCAL Government Committee has managed to block an anti-cuts demo scheduled for the Saturday before Labour Party Conference by the simple expedient of not circulating any of the leaflets to its own members. At least it looks like the mass lobby planned for the Friday of the Tory Conference is going ahead,

Grisis in London The scandal of private wealth and

public squalor! Conference November 2nd Trades unionists previously involved in London Bridge are organising a conference to build lin ‘omong public service trades unionists in the capital to compaign against cuts ond privotistion. Contact Ed hall, Lambeth Nalgo, 6a Acre Lane, London SW2 5SG

TRADE UNION NOTEBOOK

Pergamon 23: Maxwell still under fire

OBERT MAXWELL has a

powerful hold over Labour through his ownership of the Mirror. With an election threatened, the Party's leaders are desperate for a good press.

Despite his success in throw-

ing overboard nearly all the labour policies so deeply loathed by the media, Kinnock

knows that the Party still has one and only one mass circulation national daily on its side. Hence his eagerness to avoid offending Maxwell.

From almost any other point of view, Maxwell is an electoral liability. His political affinities have always been closer to the Stalinist bureaucracies of Eastern Europe than to the Western European social democratic models praised by the Kinnock leadership. His personal style comes over as arrogant, verging on megalomaniac, and his record as an employer is abysmal. But Peter Mandelson rules yet, and the labour leadership has been prepared to stick with their dodgy friend for the sake of the Mirror.

Though this unprincipled relationship has never been without its problems, the dispute between Maxwell and the Pergamon NUJ has put it under strain as never before. The NEC was openly ridiculed at last year’s conference when it recommended opposition to a resolution supporting the

demands of the Pergamon 23, claiming there were problems with the way it was drafted Diana Jeuda - speaking for the NEC though she herself had voted to support the resolution - more or less abandoned any atiempt to make a convincing case in the face of jeering from delegations taking the piss out

THE

Paul Foot addresses Pergamon 23 rally

of the NEC for not having the guts to stand up to Maxv The real sting in that resol tion, as far as Kinnock and friends were concemed, was a clause calling on them to make representations to Maxwell to help ensure the reinstatement of the Pergamon 23. Even then, the NEC is used to allowing awkward conference resolutions to gather dust at Walworth Road without ever giving them a second thought. The same thing might well have happened fo the Pergamon resolution had it not been for moves from Maxwell's Oxford East Constituency to have him thrown out of the Party over charges arising from his treatment of the workforce at Pergamon. Over a period of months, the constitutional procedure for laying charges against Maxwell was followed to the letter. An el m vened in strict accordance with the rules) gathered evidence from both sides and presented the National Constitutional Committe: C} with a 30page report which detailed ways in which Maxwell F

REINSTATE. ©

PERGAMON 23%

contravened his constitutional obligations as a Labour Party member.

It was no great surprise when the NCC returned their verdict: no case to answer. But the Constituency refused to let it drop, calling on every CLP in the country to press the National Executive to deal with the

gy issue in the light of

the apparent failure

of the NCC to deal with the charges with the same rigour they are wont to apply to other members Oxtord East also informed CLPs of its intention to call on Conference to refer back the NCC report on Maxwell

Unsurprisingly, the NEC has not been moved to deal with the Maxwell anomaly. But the mounting pressure ceriainly has had an effect in forcing the Labour leadership to seek a resolution - any resolution - to the dispute.

Former TUC chair Tony Christopher was approached and agreed to act as an independent arbiter. He recommended that Pergamon withdraw the notices of dismissal to the strikers, that the principle of reemployment be conceded, and that jobs be offered at Pergamon where possible. Private Eye character-

ised his report as a massive humiliation for Maxwell

At this year's Conference, the delegate from Oxford East wil no doubt wish to thank the labour Party General secretary for his role in securing the Christopher report, which remains an important document for the future of the Pergamon dispute. But the leadership will be reminded that despite formally accepting the findings of the report, Maxwell did not come up with an offer of jobs until three hours after he had sold Pergamon to Dutch publishers Elsevier, and that even then two of the strikers, including the Father of Chapel, were excluded from the deal

A composite resolution to be moved by Oxford East will call on the leadership to renew pressure on Maxwell to ensure he settles with the NUJ in a manner consistent with the findings of Christopher's inquiry.

Though they deny it, the labour leaders have always had the power to secure a just resolution to the Pergamon dispute.

The problem has been lack of will. Massive pressure from the rank and file, and most importantly from the unions, has already pushed the leadership further than it wanted to go. The pressure must now be kept up until the the Pergamon 23 finally win

Greetings to Labour Conference:

Full support for a national minimum wage! Repeal all anti-union laws!

Hackney NUPE Officers Branch

Lasour BrigFinc 25

Western

Goals -

Tory “entryists”

| NJULY a secret three-day event took place in London presided over by Jean Marie Le Pen, leader of the French Front National (FN}. One of its main objectives was the building of a Europe-wide right wing network, comprising the FN, the German Republikaner, and similar organisations across the continent.

Anather possible candidate for membership is Pamyat, the Russian antisemitic organisation, whose leader, Dmitry Vasiliev, has frequently talked of the need to create an “Alt Europe Forum.” The main force working to extend this network into Britain is Western Goals {WG}, an organisation viewed as the lunatic fringe of the Tory Party but whose recent virtual

takeover of the Monday Club pushed that organisation dramatically to the right and substantially widened WG's sphere of influence.

WG is a sort of “entryist” group within the Conservative Party, which has welcomed it with unwarranted hospitality. There has never been any action by the Tory leadership to curb these “entryists”; indeed, in certain areas of the country, especially parts of south Essex, they are supported by the leadership at the expense of “traditional Tories”.

The labour leadership has also refrained from attacking the “entryism” of the extreme right into the Tory Party.

WG initially had a Parla mentary Advisory Board which

Nihal Aktas - Pa!

at London Women's Cent Wesley House 4 Wild Court, O# Kangsway. t

WOMEN, WAR AND RESISTANCE

Ireland and the Middle-East

A day of discussiofl for women of campaigning for peace and’self-determination

‘Speakers include: Bernadette McAliskey Reem Abdeinadi ‘Heife Zangana - Iraq Women in Exile ‘Camilla Pawer - Women’s Peace Vial? ic Women's Un.on of Kurdistan (YW)

2 WO2B SAU

Saturday 26th October, 1991 11am

wheelc!

accessible

‘tre Gust and Women in the Troops Out Movement

Pa DO Tel OPE Soy 17S

26 Laaour BRIEFING

included Tory Neil Hamilton MP. This same Neil Hamilton (according to Martin Walker's book on the National Front} attended the 1972 Conference of the Italian-Fascist MSI, which paid his air fares and expenses Immediately following July's secret london meeting, Andrew V.R. Smith, Director of WG, boasted at a press conference that he and his colleagues were building a “European Network" of which Le Pen would be “the natural leader.” WG organised

a fringe meeting at Tory Party conference in 1989 addressed by an FN Euro MP and by Commandant Clive Derbylewis of the South African Conservative Party {well to the right of South Africa's governing Nationalist Party}

In 1989 WG launched itself into print with an expensively produced journal called European Dawn, whose masthead included the traditional fascist symbol of the sunwheel, formerly the emblem of the British Movement. Its second edition lavished praise on le Pen and Republikaner boss Franz Schonhuber {who was in the Waffen SS during the War} as “the only voices of sanity and decency in Western Europe.”

Other articles vitriolically attacked the Labour Party and supported apartheid and Pinochet's military dictatorship in Chile.

Edited jointly by Smith and Stuart Northolt, European Dawn was apparently the successor to Young European and described itself as “published by Western Goals on behalf of YEWF*

YEWF is the Young Europe- ‘ans for World Freedom, the European youth section of the World Anti‘Communist league Northolt has been its chairman and Smith its secretary general. Northolt sent out a covering letter with European Dawn's first edition boasting that Roberto D’Aubuisson of the Arena Party of | Salvador was the guest of honour at a private dinner party of the WG Executive and had become an honourary patron.

D’Aubuisson is one of the organisers of El Salvador's death squads.

On November 20th 1990 WG held a memorial dinner, presided over by Lord Sudely, for General Franco of Spain, whom they remember as a hero.

WG has also been linked to the fascist British National Party, which was present at a WG meeting at the Royal Common wealth Society where the speaker was Andreas Treurnicht of the South African Conservative Party.

Revisionist historian David Inving, who denies the existence of the Nazi holocaust and has appeared at meetings organised by the BNP, also spoke at a meeting organised by Gregory Lauderfrost, VicePresident of WG and Chairman of the Monday Club Foreign Affairs Committee.

Thus Western Goals plays ¢ vital role as a bridging organisation, building links between the Tories and the more extreme right in Britain and ‘between the Tory right and powerful fascist organisations on the continent.

ti-Fascist Action

The Lessons of Cable Street Saturday, October 12th 2pm Davenant Centre 179 Whitechapel Road London E1

Reclaim the Lane!

Oppose fascist paper sales

Sunday, October 20th Assemble 11am sharp Corner of Brick Lane and Bethnal Green Road

National Demonstration Against Racist Attacks Sunday, November 10th Ipm Aldgate East tube London

AFA, BM 1734, London WCIN 3XX

Dubliner Dessie Elis goes on trial on Wednesday, October 2nd at the Old Bailey in London. He was extradited earlier this year to face charges of conspiracy to cause explosions

(under the Explosive Substances Act of 18331).

Supporters will be picketing the court throughout the proceedings. Contact: Justice for Dessie Ellis, c/o Haringey IBRG, Hornsey Library, Haringey Park, London NB; tel. 081 3551 ext 1432 - ask for IBRG.

Living ina

IN THE NORTH of Ireland raids on houses are frequent, usually take place in the early hours of the morning, and often leave people's homes completely wrecked. British soldiers laugh as they toss children from bed to bed, empty drawers and up floor boards @ Between 1973 and 1987 a total of 272,000 raids were carried out on houses in the North of Ireland @ RUC figures record 1,100 houses raided in the last five weeks of 1988, more than 30 a day. Republican sources state that there were as many as 1,500 raids in a single week. Over here little, if anything, is known about these brutal infringements of basic rights. The Brighton Women

wear zone

and Ireland Group aims io cut through the censorship of the British press, to let people know about house raids, plastic bullets and the daily realities of British occupation. The women community activists from Belfast coming to Brighton from November 4th-9th will be speaking to a wide range of local groups about what the British presence really means to them

BWIG urgently needs help to finance this valuable undertaking. Donors will be invited to meet the Belfast women during their Brighton stay.

@ Please send donations (cheques payable to BWIG) to BWIG, c/o Flat 5, 66 Ladysmith Road, Brighton BNZ 4EG.

TAKING UP ONE of Enoch Powell’s old battle-cries, Tim Smith, Tory MP for Beaconsfield has called for Irish people in this country to be disenfranchised. “I understand it historically but don’t

think it’s justified that the Irish have a vote here in the 1990s,” said Smith, who nonetheless believes that Irish people in Britain should pay the same taxes as everyone

else.

British terror in Belfast

INN FEIN councillor Pat

Rice has accused the British army of an “act of indecency, barbarism and inhumanity’ following the army's insistence on bodysearching a 66-yearold ferminallyill women as she was about to leave her home in

Belfast for a regular hospital visit. Sarah Crooks, who suffers from Alzheimers’ disease and has chronic heart and chest problems, was searched in her wheelchair. Soldiers then body searched her two grand

TULIN

TRADE UNION activists from across the country are getting together in a new initiative to build the campaign against British rule in Ireland.

An inaugural meeting in Birmingham during the summer agreed that TULINK should: promote organisations working for British withdrawal within individual unions; work on specific issues, eg. employment discrimination; provide coordination and information on British withdrawal across the labour movement.

All the work of the network is to be “consistent with the demand for selfdetermination for the Irish people”. It was also recognised that different tactics would be required in different unions. The aim of the network is to provide support.

The Troops Out Movement is providing resources and coordination. The network will meet quarterly and produce a newsletter between meetings. The first issue is out now. A major conference is planned for February 1992.

Richard Stanton, chair of the Troops Out Movement, ex: plained to Briefing: “It’s not a

daughters who were about to leave for school

The army's four hour uninvited stay left the house “in a complete mess”, according to Mrs Crooks’ daughter, Eileen Strong, who said, “lam not a member of any political organisation or movement. We keep ourselves to ourselves.”

“Where are the bogus ‘peace campaigners’ now?" demanded Cllr Rice. "Will they speak out against this terrorism or is their attention reserved only for Republicans?”

@ trade Union and e Ireland Network

new organisation but simply a network, linking up organisations in which people are already active. The last few years have seen real progress within the labour movement in the campaign for British withdrawal. But if the different campaigning groups are left working in isolation, it could un into the sand.”

To get on the mailing list contact TULINK, c/o TOM, Box 353, London NWS 4NH; tel. 071 609 1743.

—SS—=> Troops Out Movement: Britain’s war in Ireland

Prospects for peace Bernadette McAliskey Thursday, October 24th, 7:30pm Banqueting Suite Manchester Town Hall

Ireland and the Labour movement

Bernadette McAliskey

Trade union speakers Friday, October 25th 7:30pm Conway Hall Red Lion Square

London

Larovur Brirr:xc 27

PERISCOPE

Two heads are better than one!

Having trouble finding your kids in the dark® Bumping into little nippers on your way to work?

British Nuclear Fuels Ltd can help. BNFL has issued ‘a cordial invitation “For your next school trip...” Now london Zoo is on the way out, it's sunny Sellafield for the daytrippers. A fun-packed package of life-size working models videos, computer games and quizzes is promised. And the

will “glow” with apprecia-

I can get it for you wholesale... Herman Sterligov, Presi-

dent of the Russian Club of Young Millionaires, made a

massive killing on the commodi-

ties exchange which he set up in Moscow in December, 1990,

Now he is advising Western businessmen in the New York times: “"My country - the Russian Republic - is wide open for business and those who get there first and are willing to risk their money will reap dizzying rewards...It must never be forgotten that though Russia was beggared by the Communists, it is still a fabulously rich country, Not only do we have ail, gas, wood, diamonds and gold, we have a highly educated, welltrained workforce that can be employed for a fraction of what such labour would cost elsewhere...”

When thieves fall out...

The attempt to scapegoat Campaign Coordinator Jack

Cunningham for (abour's shaky performance in the polls

{see last month's Periscope] con

finues apace. The wellinforned Andrew

Grice of the Sunday Times

reports: “Kinnock believes that

28 Lagoux BRIEFING

Major has enjoyed better backup from ministers than he has had from Shadow Cabinet members. He is particularly disappointed at the performance of Jack Cunningham whom he believes has been outperformed by his Tory opposite number, Chris Patten.He has decided to give Roy Hattersley, his deputy, a bigger role.”

However, the cheeky Grice gees on, opinion polls suggest that “Kinnoek himself may be the problem, with 38% saying he was the main reason they would not be voting Labour.

Booze & Bolshevism

Bored with comrades beginning sentences with “As Trotsky said ..."2 Fed up with socialists who intend to start the revolution “when this pub closes”?

Did you know that at the height of the Russian Revolution, Trotsky cnnounced: “No drinking comrades!...Alll places suspected of having stores of liquor should be searched and the liquor destroyed. No mercy to the sellers of liquor...”

The Military Revolutionary Committee issued an order banning the production of alcohol, which threatened: “All culprits against this order will be tried by a Military Revolutionary Court.”

On learning this, several members of the Briefing Editorial Board were seen to peer gloomily into the bottom of their shot glasses.

Things they (used to) say!

“In terms of his Parliamentary performance and his standards as an MP | think he has drawn widespread admiration for the kind of performance he puts up.”

Yes, it's Neil Kinnock endorsing Dave Nellist in May, 1987

Her-man

You don’t have to travel far in the labour movement to encounter patronage and nepotism, but surely using a guest column in a national daily to promote your spouse's candidacy in a union election is cover the top.

This month's “Robert Maxwell Family Fortunes” award to Harriet Harman MP, who used a temporary stint at the Mirror to plug husband Jack Dromey’s forlorn tilt at the TGWU Number 2 slot.

Free the rabbit!

The British Union Against Vivisection is offering Labour PPCs a special photoopportunity. They can enter a humansize battery cage to pose with a Wometre tall rabbit.

Instant anachronism

The London School of Economics has been advertising for a “lecturer in modern Soviet

government”. Will Gorby apply?

At least the Tories know

In his new book, Nick Ridley comments on the Tory govern: ment's attempts to reduce the Poll Tax: “The government had vindicated the rioters and those who refused to pay. lawless-

ness seemed to have paid off

Best seat in Brighton

Retired union bigwig and self

styled Labour kingmaker Clive Jenkins has bought the right to represent Chelsea CLP at this year's Party conference - by paying the CLP’s affiliation fee to the national Party, a sum

rumoured to be in the neigh bourhood of £1000.

President Scab

Mike Blick, Nalgo National President, took it upon himself to cross an official picket line set up by his own union branch on July 25th

This may have been a clever attempt on Blick’s part to promote the "New Union” to be created by merger with NUPE and COHSE by copying the behaviour occasionally shown by members {and officials} of other unions when confronted with a Nalgo picket line

in any case, Blick’s manoeuvre was too subtle for the Nalgo National Group Meeting on September 18th which voted him out of the chair and for the Nalgo Metropolitan District Council which is recommending his censure.

Can Nalgo be seen to do less than sack a scabbing president? Watch this space.

Time’s revenges

The anonymous Labour hack who penned The Conduct of Elections - a practical guide to the organisation and manage ment of Parliamentary and Local Elections, published by the Party sixty years ago, would probably be expelled today for opinions like these:

“It is the strength or pressure of political ideas as expressed through a party which decides the issue. If the pressure is high, the resulting virility and force of the particular party will enable it fo organise and poll its strength, and all its reserve votes in the electorate.

“If the faith in the ideas is low the party will poll badly and its reserve votes will remain dormant. Hence arises the necessity for a party to have a policy that can be readily understood and that will inspire party members and appeal to the electorate.”

Great Britain United

From the terraces... Arthur Chandler takes a closer look at the strengths and weaknesses of Channel Four’s expose of racism in football, “Great Britain United”.

FTER THE Channel Four

programme was broadcast media attention focused on the utterances of Ron Noades, Chairman of Crystal Palace. Noades said that he didn’tthink foo many black people could “read the game”, that they didn’t like defending when they'd lost possession, and that they didn’t like playing in winter. Since then Noades has been under attack from his own black players as well as from the Professional Footballers Association. He has maintained that he is nota racist and was quoted out of context and has been defended by one of Crystal Palace’s black directors, who pointed to the club’s eight black players, two black coaches, and two black direcfors as evidence against Noades’ racism. Nonetheless, it is hard

to imagine a context in which “I don’t think too many can read the game” would not be racist.

However, the media concentration on Noades is absurd; the views he expressed are widely held within the game. Emlyn Hughes, for example, has soid that black people ‘lack “bottle”. Jimmy Greaves has said John Barnes doesn’t perform well for England because he wasn't born here. Brian Clough once said that African nations should stick to throwing spears.

Far more startling was the presence on the programme of black players prepared to speak out openly against racism in the gome. This breakthrough has been re-enforced by those black players, even some at Crystal Palace itself, who openly at tacked Noades after the broad-

cast.

In the post, black players have been reluctant to talk about the issue. Some have argued that admitting being affected by racist abuse would only encourage it; others that it is no different toa white player being abused because of his hair or weight. Brian Marwood, the {white} Chair of the Professional Footballers Association, expressed this view on the programme, saying, “It’s just something that they have to accept; it’s an easy target because of their colour”.

The programme was fronted by Marwood’s predecessor as PFA Chair, Garth Crooks, himselfa relatively recent convert to speaking out on the issue. Crooks probably takes some credit for getting the players to talk. When, back in 1987, he appeared on

Famous last words...

Ten years ago, the Tory media onslaught on the GLC wos at its height. Led by our old friend Ken Livingstone, the GLC was reducing fares by 30%, establishing an Enterprise Board to create jobs, fighting the forced sale of council flats and spending over £1m on voluntary and community groups - and was seen by the ruling class os a dangerous example of left wing

Labour in power. The Labour Party in Islington was celebrating - as MP Michoel O'Halloran olong with sixteen local councillors left the porty for the SDP. Pursued by journalists inquiring about his defection, O'Halloran jumped over his garden wall and ran oway.

Councillors in Manchester were thrown out of the Labour group for opposing cuts; the left in the orea began organising itself into a “Labour Co-ordinating Committee” group! A NUPE Area Officer slammed the GLC’s failure to stop the wholesale transfer of housing fo the London Boroughs and pointed out that GLC Chair of Personnel John Corr was presiding over the loss of 750 jobs.

There were reports from a Troops Out delegation to Belfast nd from (pre-US invasion) Grenada. Graham Durham of the “Honds Off the Polish Workers’ Committee” declared “international workers’ power” wos the only answer. Nigel Williamson previewed Party conference, where Briefing held its first ever fringe meeting. is theme was “Fighting to win: accountability and socialism in local government” (a perennial Briefing fave). Socialist Organiser went weekly.

Finally, in the Deputy Leadership campaign, 85% of CLP nominations went to Tony Benn. Did he win? Find out next

month,

AMOUS L WORDS

@ previous programme on racism in the game he was noticeably the only player to do so. In the past, John Barnes has been silent on the subject. He refused to co-operate with Dave Hill, an advisor to the Channel Four programme, when Hill wrote Out of his Skin, a book on racism focusing on Barnes’ arrival at Liverpool.

On the Saturday following the broadcast of the programme, Arsenal fans followed their team to Crystal Palace where they punctuated the match not with racist taunts, but with chants of “Noades is a racist”, something

that a few years ago would have seemed as likely as Thatcher

being ditched by the Tories.

Clearly, the impact of the programme should not be underestimated. However, it was flawed, particularly in its simplistic approach towards terrace racism.

It would have been interest ing for example, todelve further into the Mark Bright story. Bright admitted on the programme that he had left Leicester City partly because of the racist abuse he was getting from the crowd, even at reserve matches. | have checked this story with former members of the coaching staff atthe club and it is undoubtedly true. However, since Bright left, the fans have voted to name two black players, Alan Paris and Tony James, players of the seoson. What accounts for the change in fans’ attitudes?

This programme seemed to imply that the racists in the crowd were a definable, organised group. In fact, to defeat racism in football it is necessary to recognise that it is widespread in society. On the programme, Vinnie Jones of Chelsea was given the task of admitting to a knee-jerk socialised racism which he himself sought to challenge and condemn. That too may make an impact on supporters.

Lasour Brigrine 29

Your letters are welcome, but please keep them short. Write to Briefing at 26 Wattisfield Road, London ES. Or fax to 081-985-6785

Dear Briefing ...

As Briefing has c fair record of listening seriously to constructive suggestions from readers on how the magazine can be improved, | thought that \'d suggest a few ideas to spice up your attacks on the LCC/ rightwing Labour leadership - and counter criticisms that are often made about the tone of Briefing

My general idea is to build on and extend the highly suecesstul format of your “Class Traitor of the Month” feature which seems to be what everyone turns to first in Briefing and which clearly has a virtually endless supply of material to draw on - perhaps more than can be written about in our lifetime!

My suggestion is that, using the "Class Traitor of the Month” format, you add three more categories. First, to counter the accusation that the tone of Briefing is exclusively negative, Briefing could run a monthly feature on the “Socialist of the Month” where the paper can look at the records of those who deserve credit in the labour movement - good Marxists such as Dennis Skinner, Tony Benn, Arthur Scargill, Tey Fields, Mildred Gordon and Jeremy Corbyn

Secondly, as @ subtle variation on “Class Traitor of the Month”, | would like a feature entitled “Opportunist of the Month” which {at the risk of overlapping in many cases with "Class Traitor’) can take a special look at those particularly loathsome exlefts who have slithered up the career ladder of the labour movement through the support of the left, but who soon become part of the Kinnockite establishment. The

30 Lapour BRIEFING

worst cases in this category still try to appeal, when necessary, to the left to keep their positions. The sort of vermin | have in mind for this category would be those like Tony Banks, Tom Sawyer, Clare Short, George Galloway and Paul Boateng.

Finally, | would propose a category which will give comrades in local Labour parties a chance fo contribute about the familiar evils of Kinnockism at the local level Such a category could be “Witch-hunter of the Month”: a monthly attack on the bureaucratic rightwingers up and down the country who put all their time and effort into getting socialists expelled from the Labour Party.

| think it’s time Briefing hit back harder at the witch-hunters and hounded them a bit!

Yours for socialism,

Dave Marks

Burgess Hill

Editor's note: see page 3.

The letter from Peter Nielsen (September Briefing) made sad reading. While | feel great sympathy with his anger and frustration at all that has happened of late in the. labour Party, | think he is wrong. Nor is this abstract theorising on my part. Where | work (Southwark} a Labour Council is threatening to impose infernal working conditions on my colleagues and me as well as withdrawing recognition from my union, NALGO. Where | live {Greenwich} a Labour council is threatening to imprison me for non-payment of the Poll Tax Despite lindeed because] of this, | will not be leaving the labour Party but will be staying in to fight all the harder for what | see as basic socialist

principles: public ownership, Party democracy, unilateralism and amnesty for Poll Tax nonpayers. At best, socialists fighting elections against Labour candidates will get tiny votes, lose their deposits and make themselves look silly. At worst, they will split the vote and let the liberal Democrats or even the Tories in. One only has to look at history from the 30s, when the ILP {which then had a lot more support then Militant or the SWP has now} disafilliated from the Labour Party, up to today to see the truth of this.

The labour Party was created by workers and socialists to serve the interests of the working class and eventually to act as the instrument of its selfemancipation. The fact that it has been taken over by middle class opportunists and careerists who know nothing and care less about socialism doesn't mean socialists should abandon it. Instead they should fight that bit harder to return control of the Party to where it belongs - in the hands of working class socialists. Instead of being downhearted by defeats and setbacks, massive as they may be, we must learn to do better and strengthen our resolve.

The material we have to work with may be far from ideal but the worst workers’ party is better than none. And the labour Party remains a workers’ party; millions of workers still vote for it and there is still the possibility of many of them becoming active in it.

My own experience has shown me that the life of tiny sects, pure but sterile, is futile and the smaller and more introverted the sect the more bizarre and out of touch it is with reality.

Right opportunism and left sectarianism are the mirror images of each other and at this moment we are seeing a massive growth of both Socialists should not give in to raw emotion but attempt to make a rigorous scientific analysis and in so doing renew and revitalise the fight for socialism in the only place it

stands a chance of victory - the

labour Party.

Yours in comradeship Terry lidale

london

Your September issue contains a reply to Aly Mir from liz Davies, defending her record on Islington Council.

However, in the July issue in which Aly's criticisms appear {and on the same page} | am sure Liz will be able to discover another letter on the same subject (| know this as | wrote it).

| hope liz can see her way clear to responding to some of the questions | raised in relation to what | consider to be incon: sistencies in what Liz has actually done and what she writes in Briefing.

For instance, | would appreciate it if liz answered my query conceming her equivocal attitude cuts at a group meet ing; her response to Aly Mir does not refer to this.

liz claims she has “worked closely with local trade unionists", and | am sure she has, but this has not been noticed in my department, which is part of the leisure Services Committee, of which Liz is a voting member.

There is no need to labour the point about attendance at this committee, as nobody can be expected to attend every meeting that takes place and anyway councillors’ attendance is a matter for public record.

Abstaining on the Poll Tax in council is obviously not a vote against, whatever the reasons for it.

Finally, as | have no intention of becoming a councillor, | hope that this letter still merits a response, as | am sure that Briefing would not wish to be accused of restricting debate on important issues by making them the preserve of an elected labour Party elite.

Yours faithfully,

Terence Patrick Luke Editor's note: We cannot accept any further correspondence on this matter!

Which way for Nicaragua?

Conference organised by Latin America Bureau with Sergio Ramirez (former vice-president) and Arturo Grigsby (Central America University)

10:30am-4:30pm

Saturday October 5th

LSE, Houghton Street, London WC2

Fiesta Sandinista!

7:30pm-midnight

Chequer Centre, Chequer Street, London EC1

Sandinista Splash!

Saturday November 2nd Sponsored swim for Nicaragua Yam-noon

Oasis Pool

Tottenham Court Road tube 7:30-1 0pm

Union Pool

Goodge Street tube Registration: £2/£1

Evolution or revolu

Saturday December 7th 10am-5:30pm Polytechnic of East London Duncan House Conference Centre Stratford High Street London E15

Elaine Morgan, Pete Wheeler, Chris Knight, Alain Testart.

£10 (£8 students)

2 26

BI

Across 36. The whole lot 37. Recede

1. Soviet or US state

5. Italian “Champers" Down

8. Play by Aeschylus

9. Russian mountains 1. Neasden strike

12. Pakistan Car Society

13. Father +Son German

marxists

15. The Royal "I" 5. Colorado resort

16. The way to go through 6. Music rythm

17. Telecom Union

18. Cash- not gross

21. Opposes South African 11. Rorqual whale Racism 14. Prohibit

22. "The East is red"

25. "... to the witchunt"

26. London or Jamaican

area 24"... you like it"

28. Single Scots cereal

29. Spots on face

31. Workers need this

33. Posh school

35. Turin fake

2. Cricket in SE11 3. Jovian satellite

20. Ship's loading

30. Make mistake

4. Middle East spirit

7. Andean “lost city" 10. Scots city - not Ken!

19. Former Tory bigot 23. Out frying pan - ... 27. Parttime soldiers

31. "The Great Satan"

32. Young University Teachers 34. Spiders weave ‘em

POLL TAX

ACTION!

POLL TAX PRISONERS NATIONAL SOLIDARITY CONFERENCE Saturday October 12 Methodist Hall, Birmingham llam-Spm

WOMEN’S PICKET at HOLLOWAY PRISON October 19th from 11.30-12.30 Organised by the Prisoner's Support Group of the Trafalgar Square Defendants’ Campaign

The POLL TAX AMNESTY National Demonstration

Saturday 19th October Assemble 1pm, Caledonian Park, nr Pentonville Jail

March to Trafalgar Square for RALLY at 4pm.

National Anti-Poll Tax Conference Finishing off the tax... October 26th Manchester Town Hall

Contact:

Tottenham APTU (081 802 9804) Yorks 3D (0532 623822) North West APT Forum (061 707 1584)

South West APT Federation (0272 255504}, APT Action Network {031 229 9552)

Hither Green Labour Party

Auction Saturday, November 30th Lewisham Labour Club Limes Grove, London SE13

Censors and Secrets

10am-pm

Saturday, October 19th

NATFHE Conference Centre

27 Britannia Street

London WC1

£10 per delegate;

£5 for individuals

Contact NUJ, 314 Gray’s Inn Road, London WC1X 8DP; tel. Tim Gopsill on 071 278 7916 ext 200

Se ye al The only way to get Briefing before it |

| sells out!

| Annual subscription: £11.50

| Supporting sub: £15.00

| Overseas su 25.00

| Name

| Address ‘

joc

| Amount enclosed

Return to Labour Briefing, 26 WattisI field Road, London E5 9QH.

if —— J

Statewatch Statewatch, the essential new bulletin keeping an eye on those keeping an eye on us, reveals a leap in police “stop and search” operations. The total is up from 109,800 cases in 1986, when the Police and Criminal Evidence Act was introduced, to 256,900 in 1990. This quarter of a million “stop and search” incidents (60% of which took place in London, giving a new meaning to the “I’ve met the Met” sticker) resulted in just over 30,000 arrests. The Home Office is not saying how many (or how few) convictions were produced by all this harassment nor has it given any explanation for the soaring “stop and search” figures. Statewatch offers concise reports on policing, immigration, the military, dvil liberties, racism, Northern Ireland, law, prisons, security and intelligence and the build-up to Europe 1992. Subscription £12 a year from Statewatch, PO Box 1516, London N16 OEW.

| | | | | | | | | |

Lasour Brisrixe 31

HIS IS a hectic time for

the Tottenham Three Families Campaign. Engin’s appeal will be heard on November 25th. The police enquiry should soon confirm our evidence that Winston Silcott’s unsigned interview was tampered with. We're hopeful that after that the Home Secretary will decide to refer all three cases back to the Court of Appeal

We've got a full schedule of meetings at Labour Party Conference and we can't see any reason why delegates should not pass unanimously the motion and amendments on the Tottenham Three.

| urge all labour MPs who believe that every human being has a right to fair and equal justice, whatever creed or colour they may be, to support and play an active role in the pursuit of justice for these three young men.

Itis understandable that many individuals within the labour movement did not want to support the campaign in its early days because of the notorious nature of the crime and the depth of hysteria whipped up by the national media

But the evidence was always there from the beginning that these three men were unjustly convicted. Slowly but surely the trades unions and labour

Justice for the Tottenham Three!

The Tottenham Three are now in their sixth year of imprisonment for a crime they did not commit. Sharon Raghip, wife of Engin Raghip, one of the Three, has a clear message for the Labour Party.

=m ‘Sharon Raghip, Jeremy Corbyn and Billy Power will speak at the Briefing fringe meeting in Brighton

movement have been influenced by our arguments and they are beginning to voice their support.

However, because of the length of time it took to right the injustices against the Birmingham Six and Guildford Four, it is important that people learn from these men’s needless suffering. Even now, besides the Tottenham Three, there are many other individuals, both men and women, languishing in prison as victims of miscarriages of justice

| don’t want the years of injustice that Engin, Winston and Mark have suffered to be in vain. There should be safeguards built into the criminal justice system to ensure

TOTTENHAM THREE FAMILIES CAMPAIGN

MARCH FOR JUSTICE

Saturday, October 5th Assemble at noon Wood Green Civic Centre, London N22

Rally 2pm Finsbury Park For more information call 081 809 6483

that miscarriages of justice do not take place. The most important one should be an end to all convictions based solely ‘on uncorroborated confessions.

Labour's Home Affairs spokespersons have been supporting our campaign. However, we can’t help feeling that the case could and should have been raised more effectively in Parliament.

We're grateful that the leadership of the Labour Party is now beginning to respond to the men’s case. Roy Hattersley, hopefully the next Home Secretary, voiced some concems in a recent New Statesman interview. We'd now like fo see him voice these concerns more widely in public.

Photo: Vaughan Melzer

labour should consider it to the Party's credit that within its ranks are people who are unafraid to speak out against the unjust imprisonments. The roles played in cases like the Tottenham Three by people like Jeremy Corbyn and Bernie Grant should be fully acknowl edged

Our long struggle seems to be slowly reaching its goal We have real hopes that Winston, Engin and Mark will be exonerated and released.

lt is a very poor testament to PC Blakelock and his family when innocent men are condemned to years of suffering because of the injustices which took place on October 6th 1985

Monday, September 30th

Printed by Wernham Printers Ltd (TU), 4 Forster Road, London N17

LABOUR BRIEFING

Rough Justice: Labour’s Silence With Sharon Raghip, Billy Power, Terry Fields, and Jeremy Corbyn

George IV Room, Royal Albion Hotel

Social! Thursday October 3rd

Big socialist trivia quiz!

Prizes! Celebrity guests! Late bar!

Nellie Peck pub, 57 West Street, Brighton 8:30pm-lam £2/£1

at Labour Party Conference