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Labour Briefing no. 90

Labour Briefing (national paper) · 11 October 1989 · 16 pages

Open the scan (PDF, 7.4 MB)
Below is the text of the scan as read by machine (OCR), uncorrected, so that it can be searched. Expect misreadings and columns run together. The scan is the authority: read it before quoting. The signed pieces by Alan Thornett, Phil Hearse and John Lister have been corrected by hand and are given in full, marked “Corrected text”: Anti-union laws: "In Place of Strife" – Mark II; Socialist Movement trade union conference: Come and develop a strategy for today!.

Signed in this issue: Dave Palmer (p. 1); Liz Davies (p. 3); Nadine Finch (p. 5); Joy Hurcombe (p. 6); Mark Seaton (p. 6); Peter Purton (p. 6); Martin Wicks (p. 9); Keith White (p. 11); Mike Phipps (p. 11); Woody Haut (p. 11); Alan Thornett (p. 12); Ben Jones (p. 12); Sheila Maher (p. 16)

Transcribed and indexed pieces

  • Alan Thornett, “Socialist Movement trade union conference: Come and develop a strategy for today!” p. 12 · read the transcription
  • Alan Thornett, “Anti-union laws: \"In Place of Strife\" – Mark II” p. 7 · read the transcription

Page 1

NO.90

Op FORTNIGHTLY

BRIEFING

oct li-

1989

INSIDE:

vx Brighton Conference: the Inside story

¥% Stalinism in crisis: oppositionists speak out

vw Interview: Moses Mayekiso

vx NUJ Disputes

% Fight the Sinn Fein ban!

tx Zero Growth explained

vx The END Convention

vx Greg Basset's Brighton

KINNOCK’S REVIEW WILL APE THE TORIES’

MARKET

MAYHEM!

Following the collapse of the pound and the

imminent threat of economic pe 's Tories face their biggest policy crisis since 1979.

Higher inflation, higher unemployment, a ‘squeeze on profits, and cutbacks in industrial capacity are now a certainty in the near future.

‘Thanks to the Bundesbank, Lawson's “soft landing” (already wildly off target) has turned into abelly flop.

On October 5th, the West German central bank —aiming to head off inflation and strengthen the Deutschmark againt the buoyant dollar — raised its discount rate a full point to 6%, its highest level in seven years.

A jittery pound, already weakened by the £2 billion August trade deficit, began free fall a towards the crucial DM3 indicator, threates Lawson's anti-inflation strategy by pushing 4 Import prices.

in a matter of days the Bank of England spent $2 billion in foreign currency reserves to shore up the pound. in desperation, Lawson raised the base rate to 15% — its highest level since the 79-81 recesssion and the eleventh rise in just over one year.

The idea was to halt the slide In the pound by maintaining its attractiveness (through high Interest rates) to “footloose” international capital, which has been financing Britain's huge balance of payments deficit for some time.

Lawson's strategy was to try to halt its flight in the wake of the Bundesbank decision and thus stave off a further collapse In the pound — all to no avail

‘On Monday, October 9th, the pound crashed ‘below the DMS level taking the Stock Market (and any Tory hopes of a quiet Conference) with it.

Lawson's “single note” economic policy (using Interest rates to control consumption, restrain Inflation, and narrow the trade gap) now faces fallure on all fronts.

‘Consumer spending and credit, bank and building society lending, and borrowing by private industry are all at near record levels. inflation,

predictions.

This combination of mounting inflationary pressures and an ever-widening trade gap has exposed the underlying structural weakness of British capitalism — of which the collapse of the pound is the most striking symptom.

At 3.2% of GDP, the British current account deficit Is : greater than that of the US, which has its own trade gap crisis. A high net ‘outflow of long-term investment capital (especially to the US) exacerbates the problem. ee

By Dave Palmer Labour Briefing Editorial Board

Fundamentally, the trade gap Is the result of short-term “excessive” growth in consumer spending combined with long-term decline in British manufacturing

Its nothing new. The only difference is that under Thatcher the exchange rate has been left to float (hence the interest rate strategy) and we have had larger deficits, more modest growth, and higher unemployment.

Lawson and Thatcher (influenced by her obssessive monetarist advisor, Alan Walters) may disagree about joining the EMS and intervention in the money markets, but they agree on maintaining a high “anti-inflationary” pound.

But, as the Financial Times pointed out, “no country feels it can import inflation. The paradox Is that not all countries can have a strong currency at the same time.”

Caught in the double-bind, the Tories have been unable to stave off the fall in the over-valued and uncompetitive pound and have only succeeded in giving a further twist to the dreaded inflationary ‘Spiral.

Labour has rightly made play of the collapse of Lawson's “ecomomic miracle”. But as an alternative Kinnock proposes only credit controis and increased investment in training and infrastructure.

Thatcher holding cut her hand to catch the faling pound?

Credit controls might have some effect, but deregulated financial markets, whose activities the Labour front bench are notoriously reluctant to curb, will find them easy to evade.

As for the relatively small (and mostly unspecified) increases in public investment envisaged in the Policy Review, they would have little chance of curing Britain’s basic economic Ills and putting it on an “equal foting” (in capitalist terms) with Germany or Japan.

It Labour were elected tomorrow John Smith would probably follow the same course as Lawson. And as Labour remains silent on taxes, wage restraint (incomes policy) is due fora revival among both bourgeois pundits and right-wing Labour economic gurus. it may well rear its ugly head at next year’s Party Conference.

In the meantime, higher mortages rates and rising import costs will force workers to take action to defend real wage levels. The Tories hope ‘the squeeze on profits will encourage companies to stand firm against the unions. In the public sector, the government itself will undoubtedly take an even tougher line.

As in the 70s, the economy will stagnate and wage claims will be blamed for higher production costs and rising inflation.

The run-up to the General Election is now certain to be a period of low growth, falling invesiment, rising unemployment, and wage militancy. Tragically, Labour leaves Brighton berett of any policies to deal with this scenario — and vuinerable to Tory and media hysteria on trade unions and wage demands.

Page 2

Labour Briefing No. 90 October 11th-24th Page 2

Letters

Vaz repudiated

Narendra Makanji detailed

By LESTOR the Black Sections position sup-

YOUNG porting the right of dissent ‘within the Black community.

‘Gita Sahgal of Southall Black

Sisters outlined the need for a

genuinely pluralist and secular

society and Maryam of CARL, referring to the Iranian experience, made it clear that fun- ¢damentalism is an anti-working class, anti-women political force and has to be opposed as

A triumphant Black Sections fringe meeting on the evening following their defeat of the NEC’s “grey sections” ploy was nearly

spoiled by a grotesque in- such, tervention from Keith Vaz Numerous and varied conMP. tributions were made from the

Abusing the platform provided by Black Sections, ‘Vaz waved the leaflet advertising the “Voices for Rushdie” fringe meeting, said it was appalling that any Black Sections supporters should be Involved with it (Narendra Makanji was listed as a speaker), called Rushdie a “black traitor”, and even

floor, demonstrating once again thatthis topic desperately needs to be talked through on the left at some length.

Vaz himself was in the aadience and was called on to speak. He ssid the campaign against Rushdie was a positive ‘contribution tothe development of a civil rights movement in Britain and accused the left of

compared “Voices for Rush- siding with Kinnock on this die" with Enoch Powell! ion

‘The following lunchtime, "This was bit 1ich, given ‘over 70 people packed and Vas own support for Kinnock

overflowed the small meeting roam booked for the “Voices for Rushdie” fringe.

Chaining the meeting, Mike Marqusee of the Briefing Ezitorial Board observed that

against Benn last year and his ‘willingness to nominate Roy Hattersley for Depaty Leader this year, notto mention the fact that Kinnock’s stated position ‘onthe Rushdie affairs “theless

noneof thecritical issues raised said about tthe better” and Flatby the Rushdie affair had been _tersley wants Penguin not to allowed oa to the Conference publish the paperback.

‘agenda but that a commitment ‘Vaz also challenged “Voices

for Rushdie” to come to Leicester — a challenge the

meeting's organisers were

to funding new re schools had found its way into the Policy Review, courtesy of

Roy Hattersley. delighted to accept.

——_$ Innumerate

PR in Brighton and Irradiate According to Gerald Kaut-

What will they say next?

Regalar readers will know that Briefing supporters are pretty evenly divided over Proportional Representation.

“At Conference we printed two views in our daily ballet (ove pro, ‘one con).

‘Whatever the merits of their a guments, both Briefing contribu. tions carried more conviction than the hypocritical cant emanating from right wing champions and opponents of PR in the medis-hyped Conference debate

‘Speaking for the NEC, Roy Hatteraley argued against PR because we'd have to bargain away our manifesto to gain the support of

Roy's transformation into the geardian of manifesto commit. Sexe was matched on the other sie by Gavin Laid, denouncing aleged stempts to “wife” the PR

man, Labour is committed to a “Nuclear Free World” by the year 2000. Yet in the energy debate at Conference Kinnock’s atomic puppets refused to support phasing out all nuclear reactors within 15 years. So the earliest possible date for phasing out nuclear power Is well into the 21st century.

Some problems with the calculator, Gerald? No wonder our economic policy doesn't add up.

Membership Sham

Labour's press office announced at Conference that joined since January, making the new membership campaign “a major achieve-

However, buried in the NEC Report was the fact that total membetshipdroppedlast yearby 22,884 (77% decrease)

A secret NEC study made of two Southampton CLPs showed that while 400 new membershad joined jn the course of a membership dive, 400 old members had left.

Se Narendra Makan

Billion dollar

brain damage

Experts put the cost of saving the Amazon rainforest at some $1.5 billion. Labour's new post-Policy Review plans for ‘Trident will cost $1.5 billion. Now we know what Kinnock meant when he said in his, Brighton speech that we have to set “priorities”.

That old Mandelson Magic

‘Sources at Walworth Road tell us the Party has been flooded with resolutions and letters demanding the NEC call a national demonstration against the Poll Tax on November Sth.

In his wisdom as unelected head of the Party, Peter Mandelson has decided against this.

Presumably the sight of thousands of Labour Party supporters thronging the streets of London protesting against the government doesn't fit in with the Party's new image.

Mass public protest might even lead to the election of a Labour government and already, our leaders admit in private, this willbe a disaster.

If you don’ live in Hartlepool Stoke on Trent South youve missed out on your chance to have Cde Mandelson as your next MP.

‘We hear the Regional Organisers for these areas are consulting Peter's diary to arrange the selection meetings at his convenience. We'd have thought someone of his omnipresence could easily repre- ‘sent both constituencies.

Beyond the Fringe Bizarre Scene: Top journos Stuart Weir and John Lloyd handing out leaflets advertising a fringe meeting featuring a debate between — Stuart Weir and John Lloyd. This head-tohead proved to be the week's least interesting event.

PHOTO: Roy Cuckow

Economy: Cat's out of the Bag!

“The dection of a Labour

‘government which will ‘be combined with a

Henry Neuberger, Economic ‘advisor to Brian Gould. Henry's admission certainly puts paid to the Policy Review, ‘which has no measures to deal with the situation he describes.

Vauxhall PS

When NEC members grilled Martha Osamor before crossing her off the Vauxhall byelection shortlist she was attacked for not following official Labour policy on Ireland (she wants the troops out).

In Brighton, Kate Hoey, beneficiary of the NEC's racist largeste, spoke ata pablic meeting of the Campaign for Labour Representation in Norther Ireland —'a body whose sole policy has been repeatedly rejected by Labour.

‘We look forward to appropriate ‘action by our “colour blind” NEC.

Labour Careerists Committee ‘The hypocrisy of the LCC call for quotas for women was exposed at Conference by their failure to support Alice Mahon, Diane Abbot, or ‘Audrey Wise for the NEC.

Kinnock's hit-squed preferred smart-sited men, including out- ‘ageous sexist John Prescot

nly one woman for seven places: « quota of 14%! Oxis Suppor for quotas a qualified support: support fora quota of women ‘vith ther politics?

PERISCOPE

‘Send snippets and info to: Greg Bassett, Periscope Colum, Labour Briefing, PO Box 1235, London N4 2UY.

Two faces of

Jack Extracts from Labour Briefing’s

Cunningham 5

Ai Conference Gunnin SONG 8 ets

gham promised“toughen- Delegates’ Briefing”;

vironmental regulation” —_a daily bulletin

with effective enforcement of standards basedon “the principle that the polluter pays”, assuring us that under Labour there would be “none of the political posturing” of the Tory Conference on green Is-

prepared overnight and handed out to detegates each morning of Conference. The bulletin featured an

sues. easy-to-follow voting so i So i cater -=gulde wilh ahort

summaries of the day's Conference business, as well as

Jack Cunningham is the paid parliamentary adviser to Albright & Wilson, a chemical ‘company who (according to

Friends of the Earth) have —_ reports of the of Whitehaven in proceedings and

Cunningham's own constiven- events on the fringe.

ne wo sald tree years ago:

sock Jac

Fed up with New Realism, Kinnockism, Post-Fordism, and Why-botherism?

Wanna talk about it? Make a date now for the...

Labour Briefing Annual General Meeting 1989

Saturday, October 28th

11am-5pm (Registration at 10:30)

Durham Road Community Centre, (near Finsbury Park, London)

*Opening Debate: Priorities and prospects for the Left Panel discussion with Ken Livingstone MP, Cllr. Martha Osamor, Tessa Van Gelderen (NUR), and Graham Bash. Contributions from the floor will be welcome.

Workshops on Labour Party, Local Government, Green Politics, Democratic Rights, Trade Unions.

*Internationalism, 1989. Session with speakers from struggles around the world, chaired by Jeremy Corbyn.

* Labour Briefing in the coming year. Proposals and debates on the fortnightly paper, local Briefing Groups, political positions, etc.

Plus: elections to new National Steering Committee.

*Finale: Rally for Socialism with Reg Race and Mandy Mudd.

O Creche O food O stalls O

* Briefing Raffle Prize Draw! The draw will now take place at the October AGM. Tickets still available from the Briefing office. Top prizes! Good cause!

For more information phone the Briefing office (01-809 3927)

or write to PO Box 1235, London N4 2UY. |

All Briefing readers welcome!

Page 3

Labour Briefing Wo. 9» October 1 1th-24th Page 3

Editorial

The Labour government-

ZASOUR — TAKE Thi

n-waiting —

and the left opposition

This year’s Labour Conference embraced nuciear ‘weapons, nuclear power, anti-trade union laws, and market forces. At the same time it dumped Ken Livingstone off the NEC and (worst of all) began the. process of severing the Party's historic links with the {rade unions.

‘The whole shebang was aimed more at pleasing the Tory media and reassuring the ruling class than expressing the aspirations and meeting the needs of Labour's supporters on the ground,

Worse is promised for next year.

In the CLPs, there has been an undeniable swing to the right in which the LCC apparatchiks have played a significant role. Through their bogus themes of “Party democracy” and “modernisation” they have cynically exploited the demoralisation generated by three straight Thatcher victories.

However, their success would have been unthinkable without the trade union block vote, which in Brighton was wielded ruthlessly on behalf of the leadership. Kinnock’s claim that Conference “spontaneously” endorsed his reactionary leadership is a calculated lie. Nuclear weapons and anti-trade union laws have become Party policy courtesy of a right wing block made up of the GMB, AEU, EETPU, NUPE, and USDAW. Against this the vacilaling “leftism’ of the TGWU and MSF was of no

consequence.

Edmonds finished Conference with a frighteningly dishonest plea for an end to the block vote (which he hhad used without compunetion all week to squash democratic debate).

But Bill Jordan let the cat out of the bag: the block vote has to be kept for the time being as a guarantee ‘of “stability”. “I won't give it up,” he said on TY, then corrected himself, “my union won’t give it up until we're satisfied the long-term future of the Party is safe.”

‘What all this means is that the block vote — and the links with the trade union that are so vital both to Labour's bedrock identity and its capacity to become instrument of socialist advance — will be retained in its present, undemocratic form until the Party's leaders are convinced that the left has been permanently locked out. That can only happen

through the structural termination of any real membership rights and powers in the CLPS or the unions.

The aim of the leadership is to turn Labour into something like the US Democratic Party: a vehicle for professional politicians, with no formal links to the organised working class, a passive, alomised membership shielded from radical influences, and a “socialism” from which the establishment has nothing to fear.

Again and again at Brighton front benchers were at

disarmament, the message was clear: vote for us and nothing much will change!

The character of the Labour government in waiting took on a grisly clarity during the week. twill be anti-union, authoritarian, subservient to the US, and reactionary on social issues.

In this context, the commitment to retain Tory union laws takes on a new and sinister light.

‘The leadership was frightened by the “summer of discontent” (which helped buoy them in the polls). ‘They know the election of a Labour government could well result in an industrial and social explosion as workers take action to recoup ground lost since 1979. ‘They therefore want to keep Tory anti-union faw not ‘simply to placate “public opinion” (which is largely favourable to trade unionism) but because they have every intention of using it. Let's just hope they don’t view Trident the same way.

For this reason (as well as others) a socialist presence in the Labour Party is vital. While itis understandable that people should react to the dismal proceedings in Brighton by abandoning of or active participation in the Labour Party this would be a tragic mistake — for the left and for the whole class.

In the run up to the General Election we have to work hard to maintain pressure on the leadership within the Party and to use that pressure to expose — to Party members, trade unionists, and the wider public — the real nature of Labour's programme and the real intentions of its leadership.

Only by doing this will we be in any position to strike back affer a Labour victory — which in itself will depend on our efforts. Despite Labour's welcome opinion poll progress, the road to the General Election will be a rough one, with plenty of policy pot-holes (notably economic) over which Kinnock and his team could stumble badly.

But simply enjoining socialists to “stay in and fight” will not be enough. Nor will Ken Livingstone’s ‘embarrassing attempt to worm his way back into favour with god-knows-whom by calling on us to “unite” behind current policies and leadership.

Instead, its worth looking closely at two relative ‘successes for the left at Conference: the struggles led by Black Sections and the Labour Campaign for Lesbian and Gay Rights.

Both these campaigns are based in powerful social movements with supporters far beyond the confines of the Labour Party. They have made themselves into ‘effective conduits for these social movements into the Labour Party through years of positive, non- sectarian campaigning. Both have maintained basic principles while working in the broadest possible alliances. Both have taken their arguments — often in hostile circumstances — to the base of the Party and the trade unions.

‘They have expanded their agendas and responded creatively to popular concems (Section 28, apartheid, the police). They have adopted militant public tactics. ‘They have lobbied union leaders and MPs but have been prepared when necessary to confront the leadership rather than “negotiate” with tin secret.

Of course, the left as a whole cannot simply reproduce the tactics employed by these single-constituency pressure groups. Building alliances around a comprehensive socialist programme with tactics and leadership to match will be much more difficult

Nonetheless we should bear in mind what Tony Benn said at the end of Conference: “The left's base is too narrow. We need fo win the arguments for socialism amongst a broad layer of people outside as well as inside the Party. There is no mechanistic solution to a political problem.”

Behind the headlines

Brighton: a delegate’s-eye view

policy was pasted, the leadership could safely ignore it

‘During the debate on amending the Review, not one delegate rose to speak against the right to amend, ‘The impression was that Con-

T came to Conference expecting a democratic forum in which we as delegates would all have our say, debate Party policy, and represent our

oon es ference Was in favour — until the “More fool you,” you may (orn MN . me ‘Theleadership were soconfident

‘of the anion block vote that they didn’t even try to convince the CLPs.

It therefore seemed very odd later in the week when the leadership supported calls to abolish the block vote; throughout the week it ‘was used fo uphold the leadership against the CLP

‘A joumalist praised us at the end of Conference for “talking to those out there not just yourselves in here." Clearly, it was an impressive TV occasion.

T'mvall in favour of professional ly-staged TV occasions like clection rallies. But [object when Con-

By Liz Davies Conference Delegate, Islington North CLP

Well, Leame away with the feeling that Thad been a prop in a television spectacular and the certainty that there had been no democracy and no debate

‘This wasclear fromthe first vote, when Conference decided not to allow amendments to the Policy Review. From then on, our debates were meaningless. Whatever

ference becomes an election rally for the benefit of the cameras and ‘we lose our only chance to par- ‘icipate in debate orexpress dissent.

‘The left did win voteson defence speading, Black Sections, and les: bian and gay rights. However, these ‘were all the result of “own goals” by the leadership and cach vote merely restored the previous status

block vote) but they are not prepared to stand up against the ‘eadership itself — hence the NEC results and Neils standing ovation

‘The CLPs have been sold the line that only this leadershipcan win the next election. And all of us are <esperate to win the next election

‘As 2 result, most left-minded delegates are prepared to go along ‘with Kinnock, 2 least until the next lection,

They will also play their as signed part in front of the TV cameras, ifthey think that will help Labour win.

‘Until the left tackles this feeling of desperation, we will get nowhere. We too have tobe seen as serious about winning the next General Election

Most people onthe left doubs this can be done with the politics of the Policy Review. But until we convince others that our policies can ‘win, we will get nowhere

Nonetheless, in Brighton any victory forthe left was heart-warming.

"There was a great deal of discoatent amongst CLP delegates. Most of the ones I spoke to disagreed with the leadership on nearly every

‘The left still holds sway in the CLP section to some extent. But there is profound problem tha the left must tackle- Many delegates ‘were prepared to vote against the leadership on political issues (not, however, enough {o counter the

The four black Labour MPs at last yaars Conference: although the NEC was voted down at this year's Conference, areal victory for Black ‘Sections hae net yet boen won,

Page 4

Labour Briefing No. 90 October 11th-24th Page 4

Socialist Movement J

Economic Notebook

Diary of acti

Oct 19.

Day of Action on irish Media Ban, sponsored By SM, etc.

Oct 21

Regional Reps meeting, ring Colin Lindsay. 0203-714070.

Nov 11/12.

Socialist Movement National Trade Union Conference.

Ring Will McMahon, 01-281 6225.

Novia. =

Welsh Socialist Conference, ring Janet, 0443-224378.

Nov 25.

Socialist Movement Organising Committee, Birmingham

Mar 17/18, 1980.

National Greer/Socialist Movement Conference, London. Other initiatives:

Lesbian and Gay Working Group: is aiming to produce a Lesbian and Gay agenda to develop and broaden the work of t group and to enable it to take its work and policies into the wid ‘Socialist Movement and beyond. If you want to get involved ring Rebecca Flemming, 01-354 1402.

Students: We are beginning to organise a series of public meetings at universities and colleges and a fringe at the NUS Conference. Ring Geoff Elingham, 01-250 0955.

Media Strategy: We are developing a Media Strategy team to give us a national profile in the media. Fling Alan Slingsby. 01.274 9182.

SOCIALIST MOVEMENT

Labour Party

members’ meeting

11.30-5.00pm Saturday October 14th Key Books, 136 Digbeth

Birmingham

In the aftermath of the Labour Conference the Socialist Movement will be holding a meeting in Birmingham for its supporters in the Labour Party. The meeling will provide Socialist Movement supporters with an opportunity to discuss how we can fight the rightward drift of Labour's New Realist leadership. The Socialis! Movement, with its Socialist Policy Review, is ideally placed — providing a posilive alternative rather than just negative opposition. It we are to re-establish the Labour left’s influence it is important that we do not simply confine ourselves to the Party structures. We must adopt the Socialist ‘Movement's twin-track approach of continuing the battle within the Party whilst linking up with those fighting outside. Please ensure you do your ulmost to attend this important meeting.

‘SPONSORS:

Tony Benn MP; Jeremy Corbyn MP;

Alice Mahon MP; Les Huckfield;

Eric Heffer MP; Dawn Primarolo MP;

Lol Duffy; Mandy Moore.

For further details contact Davy Jones, 13 Moreland Mews, London NI IHN, tel. 01-607 9579.

The Socialist Movement is organising among students, with a speaking tour of colleges and a fringe meeting at NUS Conference.

Tony Benn, Alice Mahon, Eric Heffer and Jeremy Corbyn have all agreed to participate and they will be joined by speakers from the Green movement, Women for Socialism and other campaigns.

This will not only help the Socialist Movement build and widen its base. It will also help students organise a fightback on student loans and the overall attacks on higher education,

‘Labour Briefing is brought to you in gr

this post-Conference week: regular features back next ‘time! Write to us at PO Box 1235, London N4 2UY. Published by Labour Briefing, PO Box 457, London SW2 5UZ

Printed by East West Graphic [01]-354 3827

ies and events

answer?

Contrary to popular myth, | ecological balance does not require “zero growth”.

Bat it does require ecological constraint so that ecomonic acLivity does not go beyond the

| limits the biosphere can sustain.

‘The arguments against the

growth of Gross National Product is an ubelpful diversion. GNP is a measure of monetary activity: aot Sf envizenmental degradation

‘The two ate not directly comelated: GNP can go up with less degradation and down with mor, sccording fo what sor of goods and services the economy ix producing snd how.

‘Some products (e.g., tropical hardwood furniture, cars, pestides) do cause a great deal of damage tothe eaviroameat, using | up scarce resources and causing

microchips, live entertainment) have little environmental impact. | They rely primarily on human enes- | gy, or use resources that are not scarce or cause little pollution. Many services come into this

‘Some industries, such as organic an fanning, pollution treatment, ener- Lapeer eget aaa sgyconservationandmaterilsrecy- Second, the environment assimi

lates our waste Bveryth-

‘caviroament. As a monetary ag- ing that we take from the environmeat eventually finds = its way

back there. Pollution cccurs wien

‘Therefore no rate of economic fous of matter or their concentrations cannot be absorbed.

five, zero, or negative, is useful as Sustainability demands that

pip sillnin piaeeriag ere many Saverio

tr asta indicator fecologcal iw: 204 quantities thal can safely beabjoes soibed.

‘Third the eovroament provides

vations “ecrvices” whch repute

By SERA [fe onthe planet, suchas climate

ad ecosystem stability. Key resoar- ‘ces such as atmospheric carbon oxide, ozone and rainforests must be maintained.

‘The goalis"sustainability”. ifan | economy is sustainable, itis able to | guarantee furure generations the same level of environmental

benefit as present ones. ‘Though simplified, these rules

make it clear that sustainability cannot be secured at arms length, by manipulating the level of monetary demand in the economy or by other traditional macro:

Tt has to be acheived by setting targets for ecological impact and constraining economic activity ‘within them.

Sustainability can only be achieved by some form of planning. Market forces cannot guarantee that we meet ecological targets. In (unregulated) markets, it is always likely that “extemal” costs ‘will be imposed on third parties

After all, 2 key feature of the ‘ecologeal crisis is precisely that ur present economic activities are storing up problems for people living in the next cearary.

Sustainability implies inter- ‘generational equality in the benefits thatthe environment provides.

‘These benefis are of three kinds. First, the environment gves us raw materials and energy. Sus. tainability requires thal no more resources are taken from the environment than can be regencrated for future ase

L__Green Economics | Is Zero Growth the

Works countries leads to self-sufficiency for workers.

It is the Indians who live in the rule out economic growth, rainforests and future generations. Many urgent environmental who come after them who will be measures, such as energy conservaeprived of the forests’ climatic tion, house bulding and renovation, and resource providing functions invstment in infrastructure such as — not the cattle ranchers or con- sewers, public transport, pollution sumers of hamburgers. control schemes and repair and

Essentially taxation “inter- recycing industries would create nalises” those extemal cose which jobs. the market generates, 0 that Environmental taxation and producer and consumer ay the full other programmes would need to cost of production. be introduced gradually to give

‘There is a major role for direct time for research and development government intervention. of altemative products and proces-

Land use planning and transport ses, policy can make a significant contrbution. Research and develop- ‘ment into new materials and technologies will need to be state supported. Government investment ‘will be requred in environmental clean-up programmes.

In any economic-environmental programme, the distributional effects are very important. The poor ‘must not be made to pay disproper-

‘The benefits of a sustainable economy would far outweigh its costs. We know that the Greenhouse Effect and the wholesale estruction of the ecosystems are threatenng the lives of generations ‘ot yet bom.

But the ecological crisis is already inflicting suffering now. Pollotion damges health and shortens

tionstely for the costs of envison- the lives of many people across the ‘mental protection, world. ‘This requires public provisionof The destruction of the

‘countryside and natural habitats in urban areas diminishes the pleasure thousands of people enjoy.

Protecting the environment is ‘oot something we need to do at a cost of improving living standards. It is itelf a way of improving the ualty of life fora.

major environmental services (cocrgy, water, natural habitats) and progressive imcome taxation to ‘offset the impact of higher prices likely to result from environmental

A sustainable economy or ganized on these lines would not

“Communities of Resistance” A National Conference

Saturday November 11th, 10-6 Hackney Town Hall, Mare St, London ES Organised by Hackney Council, Refugee

Forum, Anti-Fascist Action, Local Groups to look at the implications facing black workers in 1992.

Details from: Tony Panayiotou, Hackney Town Hall, Mare St, London ES, tel. 01-986 3123 ext. 3353.

National Black Students All ind Broadwater Farm Defence Campaign

Black struggle and the fight against ra

conference for the student movement Londen School of Economics Students’ Union, Houghton, ‘Street, London WC2 Saturday November 11 10.30am-6.00pm ‘Speakers include: Stafford Scott; Unmesh Desai; Families of the “Tottenham Three”; National Black Students’ Alliance; Labour Party Black Sections. Workshops on: Policing the Community; Immigration and Refugees; Racist Attacks and Fascist Violence Details and registration from: Broadwater Farm Defence ‘Campaign, 79, Tangmere, BWF, London N17 6NB

Page 5

Labour Briefing No. 90 October 1 1th-24th Page 5

Campaign!

Pawb Cymru says: Wylfa Na!

Anew movement has been launched to stop a new Pressurised Water Reactor being built at Wylfa on Ynys Mon (Anglesey).

The organisers aim to mobilise opposition throughout England, Wales, and Ireland,

‘The campaign will build on the

work of PAWB (people against ‘Wyifa B) which has been active in Gwynedd for more than @

support as many as 1,000 individual objectors at the public

‘The present mood on Ynys Mon is one of ‘deepening ‘eyniciem” about the outcome of | ‘any inquiry. Mary now fee! that ‘only a campaign of direct action | can have any effect. A subgroup of Pawb Cymru is being convened to consider such ac-

many people

and bewildered” about the nuclear energy proposals in Wales. Pawb Cymru hopes to act at local level fo support such people.

The local campaign in Anglesey shares the same name as the newly launched ‘campaign throughout Wales, Ireland, the Midlands, Manchester, and Merseyside.

For more information contact:

*CND Cymru, James ‘Stewart (Campaign Worker), fo 56 Bryn Aeron, Duvant, ‘Swansea SA2 7UX. Tel 0222-832275.

“Welsh Anti-Nuclear Alliance, Hugh Richards, PO Box 1, Powys, LD1 SAA. Tel

‘They say, "The Wyifa campaign is likely to be less concerned with arguing the case in ‘a Public Inquiry and more with

igh impact public campaign-

Local opposition to Wyifa Bin Ynys Mon is strong and deeply

felt, and in Wales already 09824362.

19,000 people have registered

their objections to Wylfa by From Anti-Nuciear ‘sending postcards to Ynys Mon Network Newsletter, Borough Council. A further available from Haringey

Direct Action Group, Box 30, 187 High Road, Wood Green, London N22.

7,000 have been sent since July Sist

Hugh Richards of the Welsh Anti-Nuclear Alliance hopes to

PCBs take to the rail

Atleast one container load of equipment contaminated with the highly toxic PCBs (polychlorinated biphenyls) has ‘been carried by rail, bound for the Rechem plant in

Pontypoo!. ‘A demonstration outside the retreatment piant recently

called for its closure on safety grounds.

‘The load was transported from Harwich Parkstone Quay to Cardiff, and trom there by road.

This is the first instance of carriage of PCBs by train. The ‘rain driver was not informed of the containers’ contents, or was advance warning given to Cardiff Council about its, arrival and further carriage by road.

Rail untons have no agreement with BR over transportation of PCBs.

“The NEC was beaten on arms spending and that shows there’s still some fight left In the Party. We won't be able to fund our social programme if we carry on thinking bombs are wonderful.”

Alice Mahon MP,

after Labour Party Conference voted to reduce “Defence” spending

Free speech on Ireland?

October 19th is the anniversary of the broadcasting ban

imposed by the Home Secretary on 11 Irish oranisations, including Si

tothe media beamed into 99 the homes in Britain.

By NADINE FINCH

‘TV and radio stations have inter ‘preted the ban in its widest sense land excluded anyone who shares Sinn Fein's belief that the Irish ‘people should be allowed to deter- ‘ine their own future.

‘Stanton are but rwo so-called “supporters” who have been banned in the last year.

‘The ban has also been used to silence criticism of goverment attitades olaw enforcement and civil Liberties. Erol Smalley, uncle of ‘one of the Guildford Four, was dropped from a local radio programme.

‘This wide interpretation reveals both the real inteat of the government and the complicity of the ‘broadcasting companies

‘The Pogues

‘The IBA stated that it banned the Pogues song Streets of SorrowiBir- ‘mingham Six on the grounds that:

“the song alleges some convvicted terrorists are not guilty and {goes on to suggest that Inch people are at a disadvantage in British ‘courts of law.

“That allegation might support

‘or solicit or invite support for an or-

_ganisation proscribed by the Home

Lo pidge ‘member, but stil covered by British dietats) ‘The govemment was astute in S

enlisting the help of the media, as The measures are a clear viola-

tice of the human right protected ‘under the European Convention fo “receive and impart information and ideas without interference by ‘public authority.”

Tn the face of threatened strike action by the National Union of Joumalists, the media promised that “health wamings” would ex-

the latter have along and inglorions history of self-censorship and deception when itcomes to Ireland James Connolly described it: ‘Clever manipulation of the news items, by an unscrupulous use of their power to suppress truth and suggest when apparently only ‘ailing the daily happenings.”

Black Sections

Scottish Labour demand

Scottish Labour Party Black Sections has called on the Labour Party to address the issue of institutional racism in the country.

“The demand follows recent attacks on the Scottish Aslan Action ‘Committee (SAAC) office and the Labour Party headquarters in Glasgow.

‘A brick was hurled through the window of the SAAC office and British National Party stickers were pasted on its walls. The police removed them but no arrests were made.

‘The Labour Party has called a “Day of action against racism” on

‘Saturday November 25th. However, the Scottish Black Sections are |

‘concerned that the Labour Party, in addressing racism, will not look into its own drawbacks. “"The racism of the Labour Party most receatly manifested itself in the run up te the Vauxhall by-clection,” said the Black Sections. From Caribbean Times

Fight the ban!

‘Sifenced by the ban on Sinn Fein: Martin McGuiness, Tom Hartley, and also Bernadette MeAliskey (nat 2

plain that programmes on the Irish issoe were made under restricted

niversary ofthe ban. These events ‘ill support others organised bythe

conditions. These wamings have NUJ and other media trade unions not materialised. ‘which have to implement the ban. ‘The CPBF has organised a peti-

Anniversary tion, which has attracted support from artists, authors, lawyers, MPs,

In the year of the 20th anniver. ad many others

sary of British troops going into the North of freland countless versions

of Ireland’s history have been peddled in the media with some of its most pivotal figures denied any ‘chance of speaking for themselves.

Protest until recently has been muted. But the suppression of political views and the Labour Party's collusion with it led to the formation of broad-based Free Speech on Ireland Ad Hoc Committee

Organised

cin st eee tron BSC Poses Pace ik pa eee ye Domina thea te pdr sorerti

TY nad Hats ini lb Biel mpasranres a pope rasa ea Tae cane Cacauionaaupee!

iNet Coen ead So Se acceso 60008 a .

ier Eyer eld

Committee

This Committe, sponsored and supported by the Socialist Movemest, was initially convened by “Information on Ireland”, well known for its work on media bias, ‘The Troops OutMovemeat,lrish press their representatives to take in Britain Represcatation Group, activities the SLD, Campaign for Press and Bryan Gould recently pledged Broadcasting Freedom, NUJ, that « furue Labour govemment | ACTT, and individual members of would remove the ban. Bot the | the LEE are amongst those who Labour Party atl refuses to bare have given support platforms of mect officially wih ‘The Commitice has organised 2 Sinn Fein and many Labour Coa snumber of events to mark the an-_cils ban them from this balding

Page 6

Labour Briefing No. 90 October 11th-24th Page 6

Labour Party Conference

Lesbian & gay rights

Victory four times out of four for LCLGR's Conference campaigns Is a pretty remarkable record. Victory this year was even more astonishing, given the drift of the Conference and the opposition of the NEC. Excellent organisation clearly had something to do with it. Not a union escaped lobbying ‘And by the time of Thursday afternoon's debate literally hundreds of delegates were wearing LCLGR stickers, giving the issue a higher profile than any other that week

By Peter Purton LCLGR

But that alone cannot explain the dramatic vietory by 8.7 rik lion votes to 2.3 million, announced on Friday morning to massive cheering and substantial press interest.

We had been running our ‘campaign since the NEC voted in May by 17-11 to exclude the ‘commitment to an equal age of consent and a repeal ofall dis- ‘riminatory laws from the Policy Review.

Our pressure had already told by the start of Conference, when the NEC vote against our ‘Composite was down to 14.

Had three missing members not been at the LCC rally, we could actually have reversed the leadership position before Conference even started!

‘A vocal lobby et Monday lunchtime, much assisted by Brighton Area Action Against Section 28, was addressed by Peter Hain and Ken Livingstone and aleried delegates to the is- ‘utes involved.

Inallits campaigning, LCLGR hhas adopted a united front approach towards the Labour and trade union leaderships Whatever our many differences on other questions, we have worked together with anyone who supports our demands for equality.

We have found allies at all levels of the movement, including support in the NEC itself, from MPs and MEPs, and from trade union leaders.

The Labour Co-ordinating Committee gave unstinted ‘backing to our campaign and a wide range of people were will ingto lobby others on our behat

We also succeeded in winning big support from rank and file trade unionists and party members. The warmthof feeling for us at Conference was inspiring and iso a testimony to our suicoess in winning a hearing for the cause of lesbian and gay| equality

‘Our demands were clearly identified as basic socialist post tions for civil liberties and democratic rights, and the leadership's position was untenable and indefensible.

‘Although some opposed us because they do not think we should be equal, the com- ‘monest argument against us was ‘electoral liability”

{twill be a combination of our support at rank and file and leadership level which will be the only protection against the likelihood that the Party leadership will ignore this vote when it comes to election time.

Tt will require the mobilisation of powerful forces from the labour movement and lesbian ‘and gay movements to keep us in ourrightiul place on the agenda. This year's victory places us in the best position from which to maintain the campaign.

All temptations either to complacency after the result or to giving up the struggle must be resisted — because we know Kinnock and Hattersley cannot be trusted to implement the policy.

“The form the campaign now takes will be decided by the LCLGR General Members mesting in London on October 28/28th, in which alllesbian and ‘gay socialists can participate by joining LCLGR.

join LCLGR: Send your name, address, trade union and/or Labour Party branch, and a cheque (£3 unwaged, £6 low waged, £10 high waged) to PO Box 206, London NS. |

for broke!”

‘The next Labour government will keep three out of the four ‘Trident nuclear submarines ordered from the US by ‘Thatcher.

Labour ls now committed to possessing nuclear weapons and that means accepting NATO

clear strategy of “flexible ponse”, Le. early use of ‘auclesr weapons in any conflict.

‘A Labour PM would therefore have no option but to press the ‘nuclear button.

‘After the vote, Labour MP John Gilber said, “Three Teidents are ‘not enough fo defend this country ‘We must have the fourth.”

He and others will now campaign for this and will further demand that Isboar keeps nuclear weapons as long as any other ‘country bax them.

Labour's leaders have betrayed thei Party and those who put their trust in them. They will not coavince the voters because itis clear that this fundameatal siftin policy ‘was made for one reason oaly: 10 rake Labour "more electable™

‘atthe reverse is the case

Barbara Switzer of MSF. moving the unilateral nuclear disar mament composite, called the policy shift, “an unprincipied shift of expediency which will convince

Voters willeither believe that the

By Joy Hurcombe Chair, Labour CND (personal capacity)

Labour Pasty is dishonest — and sill wants to get rid of nuclear ‘weapons — oF will perce-ve the Labour Party as inconsistent and unprincipled because it is now saying the exact opposite of what it sid at the last election.

MPs who won their seats as tunilateraits will now go back to the same voters oa a platform of keeping and possibly using nuclear ‘weapons,

Even newscaster Robin Day, interviewing Roy Hattersley, thought itrather strange that, when the rest Of the world was now oa the road to disarmament, the British Labour Party chose just this time to reject policies which have been vindicated by world events.

Gerald Kaufman, inhisintroductory remarks tothe defence debate, reviewed the peace initiativesof the past year as if they had just happened on their own, without any ‘outside factors forcing the pace for <disumament

“The truth isthat Kohl had to give into the powerful popular pressure against modernisation of short-

weapons mobilised

Nuclear RE-armament

‘Keep Trident: and go

‘The INF talks, the dismantling of Crise missiles, the progress on reducing chemical weapons, the ‘Mutual and Balanced Force Reduction Talks in Geneva which may Jead to reduction of conventional Forces and the concessions made oa both sides, USA and USSR, in the Strategic Ams Reduction Talks, hhave not come about in a vacuum.

‘Norare they entirely duetointernal economic factors in each country. They have occurred in a ‘world in which masses ofits people have boen on the streets demanding ‘an end to the threat of world annihilation

‘Are we really tobelieve that Gorbachev is delighted thatthe British Labour Party will target three Tri dents with nine times the power of Polaris at his country?

1s this what he meant when be said that Labour would make good partners in the disarmament process?

Nodoubt he will be disappointed tofind Kinnock representslittleimprovement on Thatcher, especially if the John Gilberts get their way.

We have now to renew the fight to commit Labour to the abolition of all nuclear weapon.

‘We will have to restate the basic

holocaust. They cannot be used; they destroy both the target and the

By accepting Trident, we forfeit four chance to take independent steps to peace. We will remain the subject of US domination. Trident is neither independent nor a deterrent and will cost us the earth, literally and figuratively.

‘Thelogic of Labour's decisionto reduce the defence budget to the average of the other West European countries (carried in Brighton by ‘over two thirds on a card vote) implies however that the war on want ‘must be the priority of the next Labour goverment.

‘We could fund this war by a single action: cancel Trident, refuse to pay any penalty clauses, and dis- ‘mantle all nuclear weapons and nuclear bases.

Gerald Kaufman says that we ‘must have a nuclear capability 60 that afier the START talks we can take the initiative on further alks to setrid of nuclear weapons. Thisisa vicious circle with a time-bomb 1g away in ite centre ‘The present disarmament talks hhave taken out just 4% of the world’s total of nuclear weapons Trident would replace that 4%, Labour's new policy is on nuclear re-armament, not “wu! lateral” disarmament.

Conference cancels “Black & White Minstrel Show”

“The NEC couldn't get 2 single black person, not even ‘one of Hattersley’s poodles, to defend their ‘black and white minstrel show,” declared ‘Martha Osamor, Vice Chair of Black Sections.

She was speaking after the NEC's proposals for a “black” socialist society dominated by ‘white voting members had been rejected at Conference by 1,465,000 votes.

Last year Conference instructed the NEC to come back with proposals for “direct representation for black members”.

‘A Working Party was set up and despite its clear right wing majority recommended to the NEC in July that an affliated Black Socialist Society (more or les on the lines of NOLS) be set up.

Black Sections, despite some reservations, endorsed the proposals as a “basis for negoti tion” and a way out of the Pasty deadlock on back organisation,

‘There was 20 way the likes of racist Roy Hattersley were goingto ‘accept anything which gave even 2 pittance of real powertoblack Pasty member.

‘After a fierce lobbying by the Walworth Road hit-squad, and 2 speech by Kinnock denouncing the Working Party's proposals as “institutionalised apartheid”, they

By MARK SEATON

were defeated by 14-12 with Blunkett, Cook and the YS's Han- ‘nah Sell abstaining.

If any two of these had supported the proposals they would have passed Because Skinner was in the ‘chair with his casting vote to hand.

But worse was tocome. Kinnock himself proposed an amendment: ‘white people would be given full voting rights in the new Black Socialist Society, though they ‘would not be able to stand as of ficers or delegates.

‘This was agreed by 20-5, with only Benn, Livingstone, Skinner, Richardson, and Dunwoody (Gwyneth ix against any black organisation in the Party) voting

feited any claims to democratic or anti-racist credentials.

‘The purpose of the Kinnock amendment could not be clearer. ‘The hypocrisy of the wamings about “apartheid” and “racial exclusiveness” cannot be denied in light of the proposed exclusion of ‘while people from office-holding but not from voting.

‘od the fact thal another amend- ‘ment to withhold voting rights from ‘white members was ejected by 16

Narendra Makar NEC members revealsthat the clear motive throughout was to entrench white domination.

Unable to resist any longer the ‘powerful demands for some kind of action on black self-representation, the right wing wanted to institutionalise 2 "safe" black leadership under white tutelage.

‘Their proposals amounted to ‘giving men a vote at women’s sections, pensioners a vote in the YS, and electricians a vote in the NUM.

It would have stolen power from the black rank and file, stripped black officers and delegates of any political credibility and denied black Labour politicians any base cof support within the Party other than white members.

‘All these points and more were made in a hard-hitting Conference

debate. One aficr another, well- ‘prepared Black Section mipporters ‘came to the rostrum to denounce the new “colonial district ad~ ‘ministrtors” and the “Choc-ice society (a thin black coating con- <cealing @ hard white centre).

Black Sections were well organised and unambiguous. Their concerted pressure on unions and CLPs was effective.

‘The NEC proposals were thrown cut, without aword being said from the floor in their defence (and not much from the platform ither). ‘They are unlikely to see the light of day again.

‘A composite setting out the Black Socialist Society option initially recommended by the Working Party (and Bill Mortis) los by only 648,000 votes and the straight Black Sections option attracted 1,050,000, an increase on last year:

Black Sections National Chir Narendra Manji wae jbiant “The NECha been mighty ememolded. Now we'l tags the block vote sil olding ot againt us. Black members in the GMB, COHSE, UCW will force this leaders tchange tr tne” "And Martha Oramor vowed: “We'll ep up car campaign to get black people to join the Labour Paty ano force Laboart fake up the ames that mater t the black

Page 7

Corrected text

Anti-union laws: "In Place of Strife" – Mark II

By Alan Thornett · p. 7 · read by hand from the scan

It's back to 1969 and Harold Wilson's notorious "In Place of Strife" anti-trade union Bill.

Labour Party Conference has taken us there by voting not to repeal all the Tory anti-trade union laws and by accepting the Policy Review document People at Work.

Conference voted to retain major sections of the Tory laws, going far beyond the provisions of "In Place of Strife" — which involved powers to order would-be strikers back to work for a 28 day "cooling off period".

Michael Meacher, who presented the Policy Review to Conference, proposed some modest modifications to the present Tory legal battery ranged against the unions.

These modifications included restoration of trade union rights at GCHQ, strengthening of Industrial Tribunals, and curbs on the sacking of workers for taking "legitimate" strike action, and are all valuable.

But they would not alter the fundamental position of the unions in relation to the law.

There will be no restoration of trade union immunities, no change in the laws on balloting, no change in the laws on picketing, and the laws on secondary action will remain in place, though modified.

According to Meacher, the right to secondary action would be restored only where workers have a "genuine interest" in supporting others.

In the Conference debate Arthur Scargill referred to "In Place of Strife" and asked what Labour laws on secondary action would really mean, stressing the importance to weaker sections of the movement of solidarity action.

Incumbent

"It is incumbent on all workers to take a stand in their support," Scargill said.

What constitutes a "genuine interest" and who would decide when it existed has not yet been clarified. But responding to Scargill on Newsnight after the Conference debate, Meacher stated, "miners' do not have a genuine interest in a nurses' dispute."

By the time the Tories have ripped into the ambiguities of the Policy Review we will find that there will be no right to take "secondary" or solidarity action at all under a Kinnock Labour government.

This may be precisely what right wing union leaders have in mind. Bill Jordan attacked Scargill from the Conference rostrum:

"The armies of mass picketers have been demobilised and the next Labour government must not call them up again… Today's Party is a party of law-makers, not law-breakers."

We were told repeatedly by Meacher that Labour would not put the unions above the law! In fact, trade unions have never been above the law (unlike the employers).

From 1906 until the 1980s, unions did have protection against legal action for collectively withdrawing labour. The Labour Party was formed precisely to fight for that right.

Balloting, unless it is postal, is not wrong in principle. But it should be up to the unions to decide their own consultation processes, not have them imposed by the courts.

The legal imposition of balloting allows the courts to intervene at every stage of a strike ballot or an election; and in turn allows the Tories or managers to manipulate the courts and legal procedures.

Proposals

A major part of Meacher's proposals, which has received little attention, is the creation of a specialist court for trade union matters — a new version of Edward Heath's hated National Industrial Relations Court, abolished by Labour in 1975.

Meacher argued this would avoid the problem of inconsistencies emerging from courts and judges with no experience of industrial relations.

In this context, it doesn't mean much to talk about abolishing sequestration. If unions are to be subject to laws restricting industrial action, they are going to be punished if they break them — whether by sequestration, massive fines, or imprisonment.

If fines are imposed and the "offences" are repeated or the fines not paid, those responsible will be held in contempt of court and ultimately gaoled, as they were during the time of the Industrial Relations Act.

The right-wing were particularly jubilant over the result of this Conference vote. Eric Hammond said he "wholeheartedly supported the policy document" and it was "the best week of his life."

Transcriber’s note

transcribed from the page image, 2 Nov 2026; no misspellings noted. The scan is low-resolution and its type closes up "rn" so that it looks like "m" ("government", "turn"); those words are given as rn. Printed on a page headed "Labour Party Conference". The photograph caption ("The 'Wapping dispute' fell a victim of Tory anti-union laws. Labour wants to keep the Tory laws, so it can put workers down in the same way.") is not part of the text.

Machine reading of the whole page, uncorrected

Labour Briefing No. 90 October 110h-24th Pago 7

Labour Party Conference

Stand by Labour!

PETE WILLSMAN is a leading member of a the CAMPAIGN for LABOUR PARTY bo The "Wapping dispute ola victim of Tory antt-mion ws. Labour wants | DEMOCRACY (CLPD) and has served for a er ee many years now as the CLP representative on the Party’s Conference Arrangements

= | n Pa lace Committee. Labour Briefing talked to Peter * about democratising the Party, br

= the Socialist Movement, and other issues f st rife which raised serious disagreements on the left at this year's Party Conference.

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RETR ray pr. howe resmomsitic vil ects] | resolution remitted. | asked which particular bits of the resolution they were unhappy about

But responding to Scargill on gacledasthey wereduringthetime| | and didn’t get anywhere. 2a, elie eeaaata RNY bc gneanr omameear “| assumed that it was the bit at the end about nationalising drug companies. | spoke to ‘ ‘The right-wing were particularly) | tious delegations and couldn't really get any information and was treated very rudely.

donot have genuine interest in 8 jubilant over the real ofthis Coe- ae a nurses’ dispute.” ference vote. Eric Hammond said/ “Someone from MSF told me that they didn't want the composite in because otherwise it

By the time the Tories have . Z : opis nt te ambignics ofa “Satteteately mepened.te| | would spoil the health debate, and | thought that was really outrageous. obey Review we wil find that Seq acct otis life

Page 8

Leour Briefing No, 99 Ostobor 1 th-2&th Page 8

‘Movements fighting Stalinism

After Stalinism — What?

\round the globe, Stalinism is ollapsing, leaving in its wake welter of economic, politi al, sociaf, and national erises. In the Soviet Union, perestroi veateas to tum into what Boris slitsky calls “market StalinTn response to last summer's vsurge in the mines, the Supreme “viet has now voted to an strikes ey industries (inchuding mines, nlways, transport, communica ons, and power supply)

Suikes in other industries will nly be allowed if supported by a ~yo thirds majority in a secret bal-

. Motions from left wing ‘cputies to give legal recognition,

sources, and powers to the rank ad file strike committees setup in neminesand elsewhere were over-

‘shelmingly defeated,

‘The silver lining to this exim

{oud of repression isthatitisclear-

ly a response to perceived threat Gf amass workess" rebellion ugainst marketisation

‘Only a small forstaste of such a rebellion was certainly all the ex- ‘suse the Chinese Stalinists needed

Tor the monstrous violence they meted out to dissidents (among them workers) in Tienanmen Square (see report from Hong Kong ‘Trade Union Education Centre)

Meanwhile, in Budapest the (Stalinist) Hungarian Socialist Workers Party attempts to reconstitute itself asthe (Stalinist?) ‘Socialist Party — amidst ideological chaos and personal acrimony.

With elections looming, the Hungavian Stalinists are desperate to distance themselves from their ‘own discredited past: They appear now to differ from the main opposition, the Hungarian Democratic Front, mainly on the question ofthe degree and pace of privatisation — and with it, mass unemployment, cuts in ving standards, and repression of working class dissent

In Hongary and throughout Eastem Europe, the debacle of bureaucratic rale has brought a resurgence of nationalist forces of all kinds. Here, Martin Wicks offers some impressions ofthese currents in Latvia and Georgia. In future issues we hope to bring readers direct accounts from other regions.

Whatever one’s assessment of the nationalist movements or of the ‘many idcological altematives emereing in the former bureaucratic fonesses, there is no doubt that for socialist in the West the eclipse of Stalinism is both a major challenge and an opportunity

It was inevitable that the prolonged repression of democratic and national aspirations by (and the economic failure of) the Stalinist regimes would be followed by a chaotic upsurge of politcal and so: cial forces, both left and right, and some whose identity remains confused and contradictory.

‘The Adam Smith institute can descend on Warsaw or Budapest ‘with an easy-to-understand privatisation/free markelbig debt pack- ‘age and find an eager audience.

For socialists, trying to carve out a clear alternative to both capitalism and Stalinism, it’snotso ceany. Bul, asthe articles here make clear, it'sanecessty. Inthe coming months Briefing will try tocover — from as close up as we can get — all the complex, fascinating developments in Eastern Europe, the Soviet Union, and China.

Clearly, whatever happens there will have much to do with the ultimate fate of world socialise

‘The Workers’ Autonomous Federation emerged in May 1989 as a harbinger of a future independent trade union movement in China.

It arose alongside the student demonstrations which began in ‘April 1989 and backed their call for greater democracy, an cad to corruption, a more open and accountable goverament, and ‘autoaomous student anions

Under the red banner of the Workers" Autonomous Federation and slogans calling for democracy and freedom of association, be tween SOand 100 workers rected a tented headquarterson the outskirts ofthe stadents’ tents at Tienanmen ‘Square in Beijing in mid-May.

"Among the core participants, there were stecelworkers, railway ‘workers, aviation workers, restaurant cooks, students, and lawyers.

‘Apart from Beijing, workers at the camp also came from other areas mich as Tianjin, Shanxi, the Noxth Eastem cities, and Jiangss, and ranged in age from early 20810 late 40s.

‘Their action wasthe frst open attempt by workers to set up an ‘autonomous organisation outside theofficial All-China Federation of ‘Trade Unions (ACFTU),

Organisers

‘The organisers launched theiraction by issuing pamphlets and leaflets to publicise criticisms of the present labour policies and ‘union structure and to spread calls for a genuine and democratic workers’ movement.

‘They also set up a public address system in Tienanmen Square to explain their demands

‘The organisers worked in harsh conditions, staging round-theclock pickets in the Square under flimsy tent roofs, in blazing heat, rain and cold, with 2 lack of food and sleep.

‘At any time during the day, hundreds and sometimes thousands of workers and residents crowded around the Federation's loudspeakers, listening to the speeches

‘Whenever the union managed to print some handouts (which was sporadic due to a Tack of printing facilities) the crowds rushed up to arab a copy. Demand always out stripped supply manyfold.

‘The Hong Kong Trade Union Education Centre paid daily visits to the Federation's headquarters in Tienanmen Square between June Istand the massacre. The situation ‘was already growing tense

“Three of the Federation’ sleaders hhad been detained by the Public ‘Security Bureau earlierin the week. ‘Although they were later released, they were under close surveillance, and so remained in hiding.

‘The other leaders were also pursued by Public Security agents and therefore could only appear at odd times.

During our meetings we dis-

‘cussed the issues and problems the

‘union founders were addressing. ‘They said they felt the priorities

China: repression continues

banner of

From a report by the Hong Kong Trade Union Education Centre

‘were to build up their network ‘among grassroots workers, consolidate the organisation intemally, and develop the membership, resources, leadership skills, andinfrastructure needed for the new federation.

‘They saw the main obstacle as the antagonisms coming from the goverment and the government un union movement, the ACFTU. “The authorities were labelling them ‘an unlawful body comprised of uarly clements.

‘They were also concemed that there Was resistance from some demonstrating students towards workers’ involvement in the democracy campaign. The st dents apparently felt the nced to restrict their campaign purely to studeats and intellectuale.

‘The Federation focused on the ‘contupt bureaucracy, the existence of aprivileged elite, the wide wage discrepancy between workers and plant managers, the lack of

democracy oF genuine workers" representation in the

<i &

ee

renee +4 tud

Laks # is’ eed

policy-making process,poorlabour ~The goats wore radical, their actions courageous, end their means peaceful”

ed the deterioration of workers’ andit warcler tht aconfrontation living standards in recent years. of some sort was about fo occur. ‘On Jane 3rd, the Federation’s The members of the union were leaders were stl aking of finding among the most courageous ofthe Soystolepaiae eit otantsaiee, _ demonstiator. Holding ther union by lesing withthe some relatively banner high, they marched to the sympathetic sections within the ffoatof the crowds facing the wait ACETU, and by gathering support ing troops. From this comer ofthe from the democratic political par- Square the massacre began. b= ‘Stndents who survived the massecre told us that most ofthe repeAutonomous sentatives of the Autonomous Wedkers Federation were killed in ‘They were insistent that they the attack. ovested che Lotgantons bei On hese ik, Case doy ali the ‘Autonomous Federstion through massacre, the regime announced constittional and legal means snd that the Workers” Autonomous Stated tht they didnot oppose the Federation and the student tule of the Chinese Communist Autonomous Federation were Paty Counter revolutionary organiss- ‘The Autonomous Federation ions, and that they would round up camp was sited towards the North and aest activism these groupe. East ofthe Square On the evening On June 9th, demonstrators before the maseacre, troops were numbering more than 100,000 ralmassing at that end of the Sqoare led in Shanghai. Among the ban-

ners were those from the Shanghai Wotkers Autonomous Federation, It was reported that at least one thousand workers rallied behind thi particular banner.

There were also reports that similar independent wade union ‘banners were raised in Guangzhou following the Beijing massacre.

Afterthe massacre, on June 12th, (Chinese Central Television showed 1 badly beaten leader of the Shanghai Autonomous Workers" Federation ho had been detained by the Public Security Bureau,

On the same day, the Chinese government called on official unions to mobilise workers to demolish independent workers’ federations.

Initially, the ACFTU showed support for the students’ prodemocracy movement in the eapital city but, shortly before the violent crackdown, they backtrack-

ed on their position.

(On June 2ad the ACFTU issued 1 statement in the Beijing Daily, denouncing the Beijing Workers" Autonomous Federation as unlawful and calling on the government to crush the pickets and other acLivities organised by the federation.

At this moment, the Chinese authorities are waging a massive and brutal witch-hunt of the prodemocracy student and labour Teaders.

Massacre

Before the massacre, one oftheir main objectives was to seek ways

The UK Support Committe for support for the petition Please put the text of the p labour movement organi affiliation to the UK Suppo subscription to our bulleti cost of £10.

Please make cheques pay Party Appeal, and send thet Ladbroke Grove, London

“The coalition government! marketise the economy ai private interests at home. profoundly affect working social inequality and provo We, the undersigned, call government:

+to legalise the formation o Poland by socialists, such Party-Democratic Revol

to respect the right to st basic human freedom.”

Page 9

Labour Breting No. 90 October 11th-24th Paga 9

Movemenis fighting Stalinism

) legalise their organisation rough peacefulmeans. They were #0 planning for grassroots obilising throughout the country. ‘When asked if they wanted to sh for the right to strike (which as taken away from the Chinese ople in the constitutional amendents in 1982).,their reply was no: cy just wanted to organise within e laws and constitution of China. ‘The actions of the Federation arked the fist open altempt by hinese workers to fight for their ght 0 organise independently pce 1949. "Their goals were raditheir wll was genuine: their acns courageous; and their means acoful

i the PSP-DR appeals low.

tion to CLPs and other mns, together with committee and a Socialist Messenger, at a

e to Polish Socialist to The Basement, 92 3

Poland plans to jell off national assets to jabroad. This will

ople. it will deepen unemployment.

on the new Polish

litical parties in the Polish Socialist (PSP-DR);

by trade unionists as a

itcould hardly have been a better time to visit Riga and Tbilisi, the capitals of two of the countries recently convulsed by movements for national

part of the deal with Hitler. European in appearance, it has none of the queues of Russia.

In Riga’s main street, Lenin lola, it was common to see groups of people huddled together in animated discussion. They moved from group to group to find the most intoresting debate.

‘We met two political groupings.

‘One was the National Independence Movement, who ‘were selling badges with the colours of the old national flag and one in English demanding secession from the USSR. It had a swastika and a hammer and sickle on it— obviously sent inby Latvian emigres.

‘The other grouping was a workers’ organisation, recently set up, selling a roughly dupkcated ‘Latvian Worker".

‘Although they spoke only few words of English, they understood the difference between autonomy and inde pendence and were in favour of

5] the latter.

‘They showed us a copy of the paper of Pamyat (the extreme Russian nationalist organisa-

| tion) which they described as

The ruling group Is Inclining more and more towards a technocratic path by orientating Itself to the values of Western society understood in a very narrow and primitive sense.

The West to which the liberal elite and bureaucracy aspire Is not a 3,000 year old civilisation, but technology and consumption.

The desire to be part of this earthly paradise dictates a policy aimed at copying Westem methods irrespective of the extent to which these methods are appropriate to our social, cultural and economic levels.

Nowadays, there is litle to distinguish the Soviet ruling elite from the pro-Western technocratic and modernising elites in a majority of developing counties.

(Of course, nobody intends to repudiate socialist phraseology formally, but there is becoming less and less need for it.

‘At first, while the ideological contours of perestroikawere stil

being defined, Gorbachev and

Fighting for national rights

tascist. ‘The recent demonstration against the Stalin-Hitler pact showed the level of support for independence, which has infiltrated even the Baltic states’ ‘Communist Parties. In Lithuania the jocal branch of the Komsomo! has split from the all-Union or-

ganisation.

By Martin Wicks

‘The statement by the CPSU Central Committee condemning the nationalists was rejected by the local CPs, who argued it could not be @ CC statement ‘when none of the CC members from the Baltic had even been ‘aware of its drafting.

Flying to Georgia via Lenin- ‘grad, one is immediately struck by the abundance of fruit and vegetables in shops in Tbilisi ‘compared to the queues in Russia — a classic example of bureaucratic mismanagement.

Resentment against Russian chauvinism is well founded. If you want to build @ house in ‘Tbilisi, you have to get permis-

Ministry.

Moscow Ministry to allow a new ‘ype of cake tobe produced. National Forum pen baal toreead bringing together 14 organisations, all strictly speaking illegal, but ‘operating openly. Differences existed between them on tactics, but they were all in favour

of independence from Moscow.

While there, we saw two open air rales. One had about 500 People in attendance. The atmosphere was very tense, everybody watching for

usby ayoung Georgian from the wall of Stain Park which overJooks the city from the top of a high ht.

1 asked the man how many Georgians were in favour of independence. He laughed, insisting that ‘all Georgians” want independence. He obviously wasn'tineluding Party leaders.

The Park holds a massive plynth on which once rested a Statue of that moet famous of Georgians. It had tong since been enthusiastically wrenched coffthe plynth. The same fatehas befallen the plaque on the sem nary where he studied. Stalinis Now theyre queuing to eat too TERY viewed 22 a national We were led tothe main tac. There was no sign of fe

Bs tory building up narow stairs, precautions. The single fire Political having to duck on one occasion, hose, hung up in a box, was due to the low ceiling. The covered with a layer of dust so

‘As in Riga, there was much sewing machinists were ina thick it had probably not been political activity in the streets crampedanddarkroom,operal- touched since the factory was ‘with paper sellers and stalls ing ancient looking machines. opened.

g Made of canvas, it looked ‘Just a few yards away from Workshop perished and not up to the hotel was a wall poster site In the main workshop, the Withstanding water pressu covered wih papers. thad the women {all were womerr apart_There was no fire escape just message in English: “Georgia from the manager) were operat- Narrow stairs demands backherlibery:” ingsaws. There wasnotasingle Although retirement age for

We were taken on a oar of a guard on the machines. They women is 55, a number of

linen factory and metthe factory pushed the material onto a per- women were over relirement ‘andthe production en- pendicular blade. age, a couple in their severties. gineer (who tumed out tobe the Health and safety was dealt They aré forced to work by the Party organiser inthe factory) — with, we were told, by “a special low pensions, although these both Russians. department’. are just about tobe raised.

Soviet Unio

On the importance of being Marxist

other official figures readily ‘enunciated slogans like “More Democracy is More Socialism. They referred readily to the benefits of self management or workers’ participation in decision-making Now, this is alla thing of the past. The’ outlines of new ideological priorities are becoming clearer it by litle. tn the pages of the official press (Literatumaya Gazeta) #t is once again possible to read criticism of the Russian philosopher, Berdyaey, and of hhe did not under-

Capitalism

This time he is accused of not realising “the truth of capitalism” and of being unable to overcome completely Marxist influences in his creative work. ‘Ogonek and other publica tions tell us about the crimes of the Bolsheviks, who kiled the last Russian Tsar. And criticism of Trotsky and Trotskyism is assuming a scale unprecedented This is in no way a manifesta. tion of pluralism or evidence of

BORIS KAGARLITSKY, a leading activist] in the Moscow Popular Front, came to London last month to give the Isaac Deutscher Memorial Lecture. Here is a short extract from his speech.

The weakness of censorship. The censors operate and inter. fare when they come across something genuinely Lenin iooks dangerous tothe system —inits ‘sskance at present incarnation market Stinssm ‘Journalists are even complaining that atthe ond of 1989, Stalin's Thermidor, as with capitalist” road is stil essential Censorship is becoming even the French Thermidor, was es for the maintenance of the strcter sentially counter-revolution system's political stability oven ‘Twenty years ago Isaac whichgrewoutotthe Revolution i this slogan ts contradicted in Deutscher spoke about the ex- itself and is to a significant praci Communists: conscience. In degree the continuation and "On the other hand, what we {ejecting Stalinism these ex. completion of the revolution. are witnessing today is nol the ‘Communists do not just defend Efforts to delineate Bol- formation of a bourgeoisie and the valuesof the bourgecisiebut _shevism from Stalinism and ef- capitalist relations in the defend them with a traditional forts to reduce Bolshevism toa Western sense of the term, but Stalinist intolerance. precursor of Staliniemarethere- the appearance of a hideous Thistime the ex-Communists’ fore equally inconceivable. monster, akind of negatve.con. ‘conscience has become a kind In its turn the regime, which vergence which combines the of collective identity of some of has made first rate use of the worst features of both systems the people conttoling the most revolutionary heritage for its Wester and Eastern infivenital sections ofthe official own ideological justification, _ We call this Market

‘media in the USSR. (...) ‘would this time be happy to dis- Stalinism. How viable this

‘We are encountering the logi- pense with this heritage, butcan monster will prove is a good cal contradiction of a post- rot. question. Most probably, twont ‘Thermidorian regime. The promise of a ‘non- last very long.

Page 10

Labour Briefing No. 90 October 1 1th-24th Page 10

The Women’s Page

Labour Party Conference

Quotas, quotas, quotas everywhere - and not a jot of power!

Women played a

greater part in oi denial

i * Socialism this year’s Conference than —_ what they see as. ever before —or “acceptable” women —

white, middle class, in crisp

so we were told. red dresses and Kinnockite

politics.

Apparently, 38% of all More importantly, the speeches were by women, — jeadership accepted quotas and more time was as a sop to feminists, while devoted to the Women’s stripping power from the Organisation debate than National Labour Women’s at any previous Conference. Organisation

‘And we passed a motion

eee oe ‘The Organisation can no

longer elect its own

wornen, a great step National Labour Women’s

forward tor women's Commiitiee. instead, the

liberation! e NLWC is being merged Or was it? with the NEC Women's Like the rest of ‘Committee to produce a

Conference, the women’s debate was a set-piece played out for the TV cameras. Woman after ‘woman rose to support the motion demanding a 40% quota for women at all levels of the Party.

new Committee made up of six women elected by the trade unions at National Labour Women's Conference, 11 by Regional Women’s Conferences (also

No woman, however, got Gommnaten DY Wade the chance to express the Unions). Plus women widespread concem about "Sp women will have

quotas that does exist from a feminist point of view. We should have no

little hope of a voice. The Party leadership.

imply ignored the itusions about the women's SPI Ignored ie debate. The (male) rade power raised for the past union and Labour ten years by the Women’s leaderships decided to Orperieaiion: dection of suppor the quota proposal tne ive women's paces on because they realise the the NEC by women's own electoral necessiy ol Comfronce and fe righ having more women in the for tat Conference to put Pee five resolutions directly to

‘They wantto promote Annual Conference.

Pro-Choice Video

NAC is distributing a video made in the US by the Feminist, Fund for the Majority, called “Abortion: For Survival”. Made as the answer to “The Silent Scream” and “The Eclipse of Reason”, it is ahard-hitting, moving, and powerful account of how access to safe, legal abortion is important to all women, world-wide. It opens with an abortion which, unlike that featured in the two antiabortion videos, concentrates on the women and her reactions. The video, which will be shown at the NAC Conference, is available for hire or purchase. Details of the Conference, video, and international journal can all be obtained from NAC, Wesley House, 4 Wild Court, London WC2B SAU (01-405 4801).

National Abortion Campaign (NAC) Annual Conference October 28th/29th

For details contact: NAC, Wesley House, 4 Wild Court, London WC2B SAU. Tel. (01)-405 4801.

In contrast the NEC represent? Clearly, they made it clear that until ‘the will not represent women in new arrangements forthe the Women’s Organisation, National Conference of which will be a ghost of its Labour Women are former self. ‘working effectively” (Lethe In fact, they will be left is excluded) there elected by male delegates would be no question of at Annual Conference and women electing their own will therefore be representatives on the accountable fo them, and NEC. not to Labour women.

‘So who are the women No woman who stands elected under the new for anything controversial quota system going to or anything the male

‘Labour Women’s Conference 1968 was tnying out &s new structures: by 1989, the structures had been used to further erode women's voices.

leadership doesn't support. _ women in the Party and, try

will be elected. as they might, they will only ‘Women for Socialism be accountable to the male support quotas as a form of _ leadership.

positive action. We believe, however, that quotas

sek poe oe To join Women for

meaningless. ii

The ony recut wilbeto | Ae a help Peter Mandelson erties provide more women for Ruth Clarke, 7

the TV cameras. These women will not have the backing of the grassroots

Cumberland Park, London W3 6SY.

Pro-choice in Brighton

As usual, Labour Life reared their heads

at Brighton, and held a fringe meeting.

Stars of the meeting were to be well known Labour activists Stuart Bell and Lord Longford. Presumably they were going to discuss why they are against a “woman's right to choose”.

Labour women held an effective picket of the meeting, reported in the Briefing Labour Party Conference Delegates Briefing as follows:

‘Over 60 comrades picketed “Labour Life’

Only a handful of people went through the picket line — the vast majority being men!

“Labour Life” has been allowed to “register” with the Labour Party; while Conference was not allowed to debate the issue on Tuesday morning.

The following crossed the picket line to attend the meeting:

Delegates from Mitcham & Morden, Ealing North, Sheffield Central, MSF Salaried Fraction;

an NUR Visitor;

and.a “Keep Sunday Special” exhibitor.

Davies

The most radical motion at Conference was completely ignored by the media, possibly because they didn't understand it!

Until recently, the Labour Party has not discussed (or even thought about) sbuse, keeping quiét even when one of its MPs was making a fool of himself in Cleveland.

Now a motion has been passed pinpointing the family and the rote of men within it as the source of child abuse.

| ‘There was no talk of innocent parents, pursued by wicked doctors and social workers.

Instead, several good speeches from women delegates called for a child-centred approach, removing the abuser not the

| abused, and taking the child’s perspective seriously.

‘The debate culminated in a rousing speech from a delegate who contrasted this approach with that taken by Stuart Bell. She never actually named him, but the message was clear.

The delegates overwhelmingly supported this analysis of male sexuality (at least they put their hands up for it)

‘The media were blithely unaware of the subversive implications.

Does this mean Labour no longer stands up for family values? We live in hope.

Page 11

Labour Briefing No. 90 October 11th-24th Page 11

Reviews

BOOK REVIE

The FBI’s war on the peo

Agents of Repression: The FBI's Secret Wars against ‘the Black Panther Party and ‘the American Indian ‘Movement, by Ward (Churchill and Jim Vander Wall, South End Press, 1988.

‘The authors of this fascinating and well researched book confirm our worst suspicions ‘when they maintain that the FBI’sreason for existence has Jess to do with stopping crime than halting any possible threat to the state.

“This was the ease in:

+1906 when the Bureau of Incl ligence was formed to deal with the International Workers of the Work

sthe 1920s when the General Ltelligence Division of the Justice Department compiled dossiers on some 60,000 radical;

sthe 1930s when J. Edgar Hoover, without waiting for the consent of Congress, began his notorious investigation of subversion in factories and trade unions;

sthe 1940s when the FBI's COINTELPRO (Counter Intelligene Program) was st up ton. ‘Workers Party and CPUSA:

1968 when COINTELPRO

to Rican Independence Movement, the Black Panther Pasty, the Brown Berets, and the American Indian

Movement (AIM).

Using tactics like infiltration, bogusmail, false accusation, media disinformation, lengthy court ceases, and pre-trial incarcerations,

the FBIhas sought to discredit and destroy anything that it considers politically objectionable, even if that means being involved in physi- ‘cal assaults and murder.

‘The book details how the FBlensgincered the splits inthe Black Panthers and were involved ip the murder of George Jackson and the framing of Geronimo Prat.

Activities

From 1972 to 1976, COINTELPRO activities resulted in the deaths of at Jeast 69 AIM supporters and over 300 violent assaults or shootings.

‘When, in 1972, AIM gathered at Wounded Knee io press for land and teaty rights, Vice Chief of Staff Alexander Haig mounted full-scale counter-insurgency operation,

It war the first time since the

‘Alexander Haig

used in a domestic disturbance. Tn the wake of the 1,200 arrests

at Wounded Knee, the Lakota

‘region would have the highest ratio

of agents to citizens in the USA,

How the FBI sees native Americans: as stereotypical Indians?

“harmful” art

Culture in another South

Africa, eds. W.Campscheur & J. Divendal, Zed Books,

£9.95 (paperbact

In 1987, a wide range of South African artists gathered at a conference In Amsterdam to celebrate culture in Another South Africa (CASA)

This book isa record of this unusual event with contributions from black writers, poets, musicians, artists, photographers, and film: makers.

‘are 20 pages of recent

ical postry. Other contributions centre on the problems of censorship, with detailed analysis of the web of laws which prevent the publication ot performance of harmful" a

‘Some articles tackle the aesthetic problems arising from cultural oppression. It is here that the book most clearly reveals its political imitations.

The important contribution on

this question made by adherents of the philosophy of black consciousness. is neglected. Instead the vague and undefined notion of “democratic culture” permeates the Conference resolutions.

By Mike Phipps Chair, Greenwich & Bexley ‘Anti-Apartheid

This is not Surprising. CASA was an initiative closely linked to the Aftican National Congress. Its “democratic programme" forms the context in which these issues are debated.

Indeed, the Freedom Charter ‘and ANC contribution are appended to the Conference proceedings, and all the keynote speeches are by the ‘ANC and representatives of the UDF and COSATU. The ideas of other political tendencies do not feature at all.

‘This weakness is clearest in relation to the cultural boycott of ‘South Africa. Responding to

BOOK REVIEW

South Africa’s

‘speech in London in May 1987..

“Here he indicated that the ANC had modified its 30-year ‘old commitment to a blanket boycott of all cultural and academic links with South Attica.

“The boycotts would be con- | tinved— but the ANC would be- ‘come selective in its choice of |

targets. The authors see no problem in the ANC appointing itself as) sole arbiter of what South | African culture should be uphe'd | and what should be boycotted. Other legitimate currents in the liberation | ‘would no | doubt disagree with the ANC

of interest and is a book which ‘seeks to bring the struggle on the cultural front to a wide

audience.

By Woody Haut Hampstead & Highgate CLP

and a murder per capita rate ‘equivalent to that in Chile in the ree years following Allende’s overthrow.

Minerals

Why AIM? Sixty per cent ofthe ‘nation’ sminerals artobe foundon Indian reservations.

‘Twas the mining of uranium that led to the radioactive pollutioa of the Cheyenne River and the Pine Ridge watertable and a plethora of miscarriages, cancers, and birth defects.

“To add insult to injuries, the area hhas become 2 prime site for the damping of wuclear waste

Companies like Hearst's Homestake Mine had, by 1970, ex cavated some S14 billion in ore from the region, while logging and {tourism accounted for as much as SL billion per year.

By mid 1970 more than 5,000 ‘uranium miaing leases had beca let by the Interior Department in the Black Hills alone.

‘The FBI's collaboration with the Guardians of the Oglala Nation (3 federal funded paramilitary force) con Pine Ridge is consistent with its pas involvement with the Ku Klux Kap and vigilante groups like the Sccret Army Organisation,

These, say the authors, sme the American equivalent of the death squads in Brazil and Uruguay.

“Though the COINTELPRO was officially terminated in 1971, the Program continues under other ‘names, More recently, the FBI bas used COINTELPRO like tactics agains activists in the Committee

in Solidarity with the people of El Salvador.

Up on Capito! Hil, Congress late the FBI un amok attacking these

poreoved 2s “subversives”

Asthe FBI’s 1985 action in Puer. to Rico showed — when over 300 agents conducted warrantless searches, wrecked homes, impounded property and arrested scores of FALN activists — the FBI continues to behave as if it existed within a Latin American dictator-

ship.

‘The authors conclude by urging the left, black, Native American, gay, and women's organisations to form a national couneil to combat police repression of political activists,

BOOK REVIEW

When the State kills... The death penalty v. human rights, Amnesty International, £9.98.

Brazil last did it in 1855, Iceland in 1830, Lichtenstein in 1785, and San ‘Marino in 1468!

The UK last did it in 1964 and the USA is still doing it today.

‘Amnesty International's comprehensive report makes grim reading, especially the chapter which deals with “The Cruetty of the Death Penalty” —methods, the waiting, the ritual, its effects, on others,

The “big seven” when it comes to judicial murder are (in alphabetical order): China, ran, Iraq, Nigeria, South Africa, the USA, and the USSR.

The USA leads the way with “sophisticated and humane” methods such as the gas chamber and lethal injections Precisely because they are based on scientific progress they emphasise the barbarity of the penalty as such.

lran’srules of procedure insist ‘on the right dimensions for materials used in stoning to death: “Not too large so that the. person dies on being hit by one cor two of them; not so small that they could not be defined as stones.”

By Keith White

Most of the 100 countries retaining the “supreme penalty” prefer hanging or shooting. In Iraq families have been asked to pay for coffins and bullets.

‘The Repor's central thesis is that nothing justifies the removal of the univereal human right to ite.

It argues the case for aboli tion, describes the death penalty's current use internationally and charts the steps towards worldwide abolition.

Pictures and quotes from prominent people are well used alongside the text but more could have been made of pictures, helping further to personalise the most intensely personal experience anyone can

When the State kills...

face — a pointless, powerless, conscious death.

‘Socialists often feel uncomfortable with campaigns for inalionable rights. Many are Killed by states which have all but abolished the death penalty.

El Salvador has executed only twice in the last 30 years, but makes extensive use of deaths squads and the UK government shoots Irish Republicans at wil

‘So why focus on the specific aim of outlawing judicial kiling’? Why waste precious time defending those guilty of indefensible crimes?

In reality, the death penalty is the most’ barbaric act yet devised by “civilised” humankind and we must take an unequivocal stand against it We should endorse Al's campaign and encourage others to do $0.

Contact: Amnesty International British Section, 99-119 Rosebury Avenue, London ECIR ARE, tel. 01-278 6000.

Page 12

Corrected text

Socialist Movement trade union conference: Come and develop a strategy for today!

By Alan Thornett · p. 12 · read by hand from the scan · also on thornett.redmole.org

The Socialist Movement Conference for socialists in the trade unions is an important opportunity to consolidate the left in the unions and begin to organise more effectively against the forces of New Realism.

It will fill the vacuum left by BLOC and the LCDTU in organising effective trade union initiatives.

It will also be in many ways unique. It is broader based than comparable previous initiatives and breaks out of their relatively narrow focus.

Issues previously marginalised at such conferences are right up front: women in the unions, black workers and the unions, and lesbian and gay men and the unions are right up front.

Ecology as a trade union issue is given a major focus and campaigns such as the defence of the NHS and the struggle against the Poll Tax will have prominent positions.

Three central themes will run through the weekend:

  • • opposition to New Realism in all its forms at every level of the trade union movement;
  • • solidarity with all those taking action against the employers or the government;
  • • trade union democracy to ensure the rights and active involvement of rank and file trade union members — women and men, black and white — are ensured at every level of the unions.

Keynote platform speakers include:

  • • Betty Heathfield, Tony Benn, Arthur Scargill (invited);
  • • Sean Redman (General Secretary of the Irish Municipal Workers Union);
  • • Debbie Epstein (from the STA speaking as an out lesbian woman);
  • • Kim Moody (from Labour Notes USA);
  • • a speaker from NALGO black workers group and speakers from the docks, rail and engineering (if the struggle is on for the 35 hour week).

The key part of the conference will be discussion on an understanding of the many problems facing the unions and how we create the kind of current which can start seriously to tackle them.

It should be a conference which produces practical results not simply propaganda for what is ideal — although it should do that as well.

A unique feature of the conference will be its democratic and decision-making character. No previous trade union initiative has attempted this.

Active trade unionists are being asked not simply to come and listen to speeches and then go home feeling better, but to participate in formulating and implementing a strategy for socialist in the unions in today's conditions.

To this end the conference will discuss a lengthy statement on the situation in the unions. This will be open to amendments from the workshops at the conference.

A resolution will be put calling for the work of the Socialist Movement to be greatly strengthened in the unions, for a Socialist Movement trade union steering committee and for local trade union working groups where there is a Socialist Movement regional structure.

Transcriber’s note

transcribed from the page image, 2 Nov 2026; spelling as printed (socialist in the unions). By-line printed "By Alan Thornett Trade Union Briefing". The opening paragraph is set larger, above the by-line, and is given as the standfirst. The photograph caption ("Organising to support the Hangers' dispute") is not part of the text.

Machine reading of the whole page, uncorrected

Labour Briefing No. 90 October 1 1th-24th Page 12

Trade Union Briefing

Solidarity Network

AGM/Conference

Saturday October 14th 12.30-5pm (Registration from 12) Mandela Room, Sheffield Poly (opposite BR station)

Agenda includes: Speakers from recent struggles, including docks, rail, tube, NALGO; balance sheet of last year’s work; development of the Network and its Bulletin; Socialist Movement Trade Union Conference;

election of officers. | Creche facitities available only i booked one week advance | Credentials: £2 waged, £1 unwaged, strikers |

To register, send your name, address (and organisation it applicable) with a:cheque to John Lang, 74 Kingstand Road, Plaistow, London E13, from whom further details ‘and leallets for the Conference can be obtained.

A message

from shop stewards

We are shop stewards sacked from the Port of Tilbury during an official strike.

‘The strike had even been sanctioned by the House of Lords!

‘There was a secret bellot of the workforce in which 74% voted infavour of striking. As stewards, in leading this strike we were ‘carrying out the ballot decision.

‘Our strike took place to obtain a national agreement with terms ‘and conditions for all dockers,

‘At the TGWU Biennial Delegates Conference, a resolution was passed stating that a labour scheme for the industry be ‘e-established atter the election of a Labour government. This resolution must be implemented.

‘One hundred and forty-eight workers at Tilbury docks were compulsory severed, including 16 shop stewards.

‘Our cases are presently before an Industrial Tribunal, These tribunals, which are our only redress for being sacked, can be ignored by the employer ifthe findings go against them. This must be changed by the rrext Labour government.

“Two of the reasons given for our sackings in the Port of Tilbury's defence papers were

We tock strike action in support of the GCHQ workers who were being denied trade union rights. We plead guilty.

*We took strike action in support of the NHS and particularly the nurses. We plead guilty.

We were sacked for defending rade unionism not only in the docks but in general. The next Labour government must abolish ant-trade union laws. In no other country in Western Europe can ‘an employer sack someone during an official dispute.

‘Thatcher's government demands trade union rights in Poland. We demand them in Britain as well

Staffing strike |

For the last few months CPSA members at Wolverhampton ‘Unemployment Benefit Offices have been working under increased pressure because of inadequate staffing levels.

‘This has led to tension between stalf and claimants as payments have often been delayed

‘Two one-day strikes did not convince Management ofthe seriousness ofthe problem, On August 16th, 30 members came out on | indefinite strike

‘On September 21st CPSA members in the Brownhills UBO and Jobcentre also came out on indefinite trike. The dispate continoes despite the fact that the area is underspent on their staffing budget.

Although members are receiving some strike pay they are in poorly paid jobs. It is vital therefore that they are not forced back to work by financial hardship. Wolverhampton and Walsall strikers need your support during this dispute.

Please send all messages and danations to PO Box 261, Wolvethampton, West Midlands WV 10007: telephone 0902-771 124

Wolverhampton & Walval strikers

Come and develop a

strategy for today!

The Socialist Movement Conference for socialists the trade unions is an

unions and begin

ganise more effectively against the forces of New

Realism. thfield, Tony Benn,

il (vite)

+Sean Redman (General Secretary of the Irish Muri Workers Union);

sDebbie Epstein (from the ‘STA speaking as an out lesbian woman);

+Kim Moody (from Labour Noes USA)

By Alan Thornett ‘Trade Union Briefing

Tewill fil the vacuum let by BLOC and the LCDTU in organising effective trade union initiatives.

It will also be in many ways unique. Itis broader based than ‘comparable previous initiatives ‘and breaks out oftheir relatively narrow focus.

issues previously marginalised at such conferences {ae right up front: women in the tunions, black workers and the unions, and lesbian and gay ‘men and the unions are right up front.

Ecology as a trade union issue is given a major focus and campaigns such as the defence of the NHS and the struggle against the Poll Tax will have

prominent positions. Three central themes will un through the weekend: opposition to New Realism in allits forms at every level of the ‘rade union movement; solidarity withall those taking action against the employers or being asked not simply to come | the government; andisten to speeches and then

BOOK REVIEW 7

+a speaker from NALGO black workers group and speakers from the docks, rail and engineering ifthe struggle ison for the 35 hour week).

‘The key part of the con- {erence willbe discussion on an understanding of the many problems facing the unions and how we create the kind of current which can start seriously to tackle them.

It should be a conference

: “ ‘not simply propaganda for what is ideal — although it should do «that as well

A unique feature of the con ference will be its democratic and decision-making character. No previous trade union initiative has attempted this.

Active trade unionists are

vital link

the “original Labour Representa. tion Committee was fonadedon the model of small, roughly equal- ‘ized unions." This changed rather ‘quickly with amalgamationsreduc- {ng the total aamber of affiliations

“Today the situation is extreme with four unions able to command ‘majority a Conference.

In response to the growing centralisation of power in large ‘unions the authors argue that ade unions shouldbe asked tosplit their block wotes to reflect the opinions of their members

In principe the left should support such a proposal. lathe BemnHelfer leadership challenge a sig nificant minority cross a aumber ‘of unions failed to gain representation at Conference itself

“To defend the block vote in its existing form is to defend an increasingly monalithic system. The difficulty show exactly the dissaggregation ofthe block vote should be brought about.

Balloting of individual members would undermine collective decision-making strctares. Union conferences wouldve the best place to divide votes following collective debate and clear atatement of all al

Natural Allies: Labour and

Upham and Wilson have produced a useful pamphlet that argues that Labour's links with the unions should bea source of strength.

It argues against the more fashionable Kinnockite notion of

By BEN JONES

explicitly rejects the LCC idea that the new “mass membership” scheme is an alternative to the block vote which can be phased out as individual balloting neutralises the CLP left

Tn defending the block vote the pamphlet does not simply defend the trade union link but also looks at how that link can be democratised.

Upham and Wilson point out that

Organising to support the Hangers’ dispute

go home feeling better, but to the conference. Participate in formulating and A resolution will be put calling implementing a strategy for tor the work of the Socialist socialist in the unions in today's. Movement to be greatly conditions. strengthened inthe unions, fora

To this end the conference Socialist Movement trade union will discuss a lengthy statement _ steering committee and for local fon the situation in the unions. trade union working groups This will be open to amend. where there is a Socialist Movements from the workshops at ment regional structure,

The Construction Safety Campaign

is organising a

National Lobby of Parliament

to demand better laws on health and safety in the construction industry, and to demand that the law is enforced on sites.

Thursday October 19th, 3-6pm

Assemble St Stephens Gate, House of Commons, Westminster, London SW1 3.20pm: Meeting with MPs in the Grand Central Committee Room 4.30-6pm: Ask your MP to come and meet you to discuss Health and Safety in the Construction industry. Write to them now, telling them you want to see them on October 19th, and why. If they can’t see you then, ask for an appointment in their Constituency instead. In the last ton years there have been over 1,500 building workers killed in site accidents and injuries must run into millions, Bronchitis, cancer and other diseases of dust, and lousy working conditions kill around 4,000 building workers every year. Building employers kill workers through negligence and greed — there were 160 deaths last year alone. Yet fines on employers are a measly few hundred pounds and no ‘employer has ever been imprisoned for causing the death of a worker.

This deadly trend in the construction industry Is growing worse. Help us put an end to this unnecessary suffering, Join the Lobby of Parliament.

Support the Construction Safety Campaig

Page 13

Labour Briefing No. 90 October 11th-24th Pago 13

Trade Union Briefing

Journalists strike for trade union rights

By Aberdeen Journals Chapel

Aberdeen journalists are on strike again — just three weeks after finishing a 19-day strike over union recognition.

‘The reason isa bullying management which has victimised members of the National Union of Journalists since their return-to-work deal.

‘Aberdeen Joumals, publishers of The Press & Journal and Evening Ex. press, have acted in bad faith to their employees since the strike ended.

ight joumalists have left the publicafions in the last five weeks. Fity [NUJmembershave left Aberdcen Journals inthe lasttwo years. They have left because of the company's union-bashing and poor staff relations.

‘Since the first dispute — which attracted a massive public boycot of the papers — trade unionists have been victimised. The company has refuted to meet ACAS, and has even attempted to dictate who represeats the NUJ in negotiations.

Despite sacking threats, the stike has remained solid.

“Messages of support should be sent to Iain Campbell, NUS, eo Sareea

Sacked for stri iking!

By Jeremy Dear FoC Essex Chronicle Series Chapel

Fourteen NUJ members have been sacked for striking by the Essex Chronicle Series of newspapers.

‘The Series is owned by Northcliffe Newspapers and ultimately by the Daily Mail and General Trust.

‘The four month old dispute is over the basic right to union ‘cognition and a ving wage

This year's TUC Conference saw delegates representing nine and a halt milion trade unionists voting unanimously to back the tight to union

‘Journalists walked out on oficial strike on June 26th following the continual refusal of management to recognise the right of elected officers to represent their members.

Since then we have picketted the paper's Chelmsford head quarters and Brentwood office. After over three months we are ‘more determined than ever to defeat the company's Uunion-bashing tactics.

Huge personal sacrifices have been made by the sbikers but we have been repaid by the tremendous solidarity shown by fellow trade unionists and Labour Party branches all over the country.

‘A half-day stoppage was held by NUJ chapels throughout the Northcliffe group and a massive local boycott campaign has been mounted against the Chronicle.

Butwe need to put more pressure on Northeftfe management to secure reinstatement and full union recognition. We ask all to help in the following ways:

+Send messages of support and donations to the strikers (cheques to Chronicle NUJ) at Essex Chronicle Series Chapel, c/o 1632 High Street, Brentwood, Essex. o277-230324,

~Send letters of protest to Managing Director Harry Levy at Essex Chronicle Series, Westway, Cheimstord, Essex.

-Invite an NU4J striker to speak at Labour Party branch meetings.

+if your Constituency covers any of the following papers, write to their managing directors, urging them to raise the issue with Northcliffe and insist on reinstatement and union tecognition:

Derby Evening Telegraph, Exeter Express and Echo, Gloucester Citizen, Journal and Echo, Grimsby Evening Telegraph, Hull Daily Mail, Kent and Sussex Courier, Lincolnshire Echo, Leicester Mercury, South Wales Evening Post, Scunthorpe Evening Telegraph, Stoke Evening Sentinel, Plymouth Western Morning News and Herald.

HANDS OFF OUR NHS! TEAR UP THE WHITE PAPER!

Saturday October ist March from St Thomas’s Hospital, Assemble 4pm, Belvedere Road, London SE1 Rally, 6pm, Camden Centre Cabaret: 7.30pm, “Rip It Up!” by Popular Productions (Sheffield)

Pergamon

Winning support from the Labour Party

‘One of the most positive aspects of a depressing Labour Party Conference was the support built during the week for the Pergamon dispute. TERRY CONWAY from Labour Briefing spoke to a group of the sacked workers who were in Brighton for the week about the success of thei camapign for support and their future plans.

‘Would you like to tell us how the lobbying has gone this week and what you think you have achieved?

Tthink its been really successful We’ veconsiderably raisedthe level of debate about the Pergamon dis pute as well as extending the sup- [port fo CLPs who hadn't previous ly heard of us

nesday night. Were you pleased ‘that?

1k was considerably more succesafl han we ever could have ex pected. That was because we Teaflened Conference that day and that Maxwell himself had appeared daring the alemoon 80 that people id belive that he was there.

‘The factthat this issue was raised ‘20 Conference floor by an NUM delegate from Chesterficld was ‘ery useful, as was the intervention of Brenda Dean who questioned the ‘compatability of Maxwell sacons asan employer withhie Party mex benip.

Attthe opening of Conference, you were trying to get an amendment about the dispute onto the agenda, but you

weren't successful. Why do

‘She also explained that over 100 NGA and SOGAT members at Maxwell’s Nuffield Press have had their unions sescegnised. De you knew about that? Tani Grae. ‘workers there have agreed to sign

We know that the NGA and SOGAT voted against us, while

NUR, NUM, FBU and MSF voted new contracts because they have

for. hhad very little back up either from the NGA or SOGAT.

If Brenda Dean's intervention in

‘Conference means that she is con:- ‘mitted to a fight over that issve then that is very positive and we would be very much in favour of « joint ‘campaign between Nuffield and Pergamon.

The high point of your week (and indeed probably of the whole week) must have been the 300-strong lobby of Maxwell's reception on Wed-

Tony Banks MP was poised to speak about the Pergamon dispute

‘What are your plans for the future?

‘We're going to be thinking of ways in which we can maintain the momentum we have gained this ‘week on the Labour Party side

Ti was unfortunate that Tony Banks wasn't able o speak to Comference on our behalf as he would have done a very good job. We must make it clea to the NEC that it is goin tobe a continual embarrasment to them not to intervene

Ambulance dispute

Escalate the action!

Action by ambulance staff has escalated as Control Officers and Assistants joined the overtime ban from midnight on October 4th. The derisory offer of 6.5% is regarded as totally inadequate to reverse a long-term decline in morale. The average pay of £10,000 is £2,000 behind comparable staff in other emergency services like the Fire Brigade. The unions are demanding 11% as the basis of a fair ‘settlement.

KATHERINE MUNBY, Branch Secretary of Oxfordshire NUPE Ambulance Branch, spoke to Briefing about the progress of the

dispute.

LB: Tell us about the members are getting more and current stage of the more worked up and ere Bonilencnns ‘asking for an increase in

KM: industrial action.

“soon sob Renyting” Its also becoming clear that

the issues go beyond pay and involve the whole future of the Service. The Tories hold up.as ‘a model service ones like Northumbria, where parts of the outpatient service have been privatised, leading to the ‘sick and elderly having to climb into minibuses because there is in effect no proper ambulance service.

Its not just about paramedics. We need to ‘promote all the workers who provide day-to-day care for the ‘community

LB: Have the employers moved?

KM: There have been some talks but no progress is apparent. We are determined to hold out for binding arbitration.

LB: What about the union \eaderships?

and get Maxwell o settle,

‘We are also planning to take the dispute tothe European Parliament. We think itis possible 1 get further commitements from other trade unions through which it

‘Maxwell is not going ta want to face a sustained attack from the top levels of the labour movement: £0 that is what we intend to give him!

KM: The leadership position is that the overtime ban is ‘fective, but we mustn't risk losing public support.

In reality I would say it's a matter of time until someone dies as a result of the diminution of service. Then all the media will turn on us.

We would be better to have the courage of our convictions and escalate the action now — by calling 24-hour all-out strike action, for example,

8: What support is needed from the labour movement?

KM:THe issue needs to be raised in union branches. Messages of support shauid be sent, letiors to MPs, etm.

‘The important ting is to bring home to people how undervalued and tunder-resourced the ambulance service really is ‘and how vital itis that we halt the deciine now.

Page 14

Labour Briefing No. 90 October 11th-24th Page 14

International Briefing

European Nuclear Disarmam

Stalinists strangle Gasteiz

The eighth Convention of European Nuclear Disarmament marked a major turning point for END in Europe.

It was held in Gasteiz, seat of the parliament of the “Basque Autonomous Community”.

It marked a major victory for the Stalinists in the European Peace movement, who have always seen END as a group of cheerleaders for detente between the USSR and the USA rather than an independent mass movement

The decline in the mass peace movement since the ‘early 80s and the idea that the INF agreement and Gorbachev meanan endio the threat of war in Europe have set back those, including the founders of END in Britain, who believe in a peace movement built across East and West.

Preparatory

The Convention Preparatory Commitive was dominated by the Spanish Communist Party (PCE) who provided the Secretary and the EE (a spl away from the Basque nationalist struggle in the direction of Stalinism) who held the Chair

‘The Preparatory Committee was based in Madrid and took all the real decisions, frequently against the wishes of the Basque Support Committee.

With the backing of those on the END Liaison Committee with similar politics, notably Ken Goates and Ken Fleet of the Bertrand Russell Peace Foundation, the Convention was turned into a jamboree for of

European Citizens’ Assembly in Basque Nationalists and the By Matthew Jones 1990 in either Prague or COs, the number driven into Covet abe Budapest. This could be impor- exile, jailed, tortured, and killed

'y Labour ‘ant in bringing together people and ‘the link between the

Briefing from capitalistandStaliniststate Spanish state forces and death systems to attempt to solve squads.

: common problems. Convention building was

ficialdom East and West. “The final session of the Con- ringed by armed police and the

Central figures in END such yeriion was incredible. main hall full of armed plain-

as EP Thompson, Mary Kaldor, "“Itwas addressed by Ardanza, _dlothes police protecting a warLyme Jones, and Jan Kavan President of the “Basque monger in a peace convention!

did not take part. ‘Autonomous Community” Par. The organised lft in Europe liament. a supportor of NATO has @ responsibilty for the Fewer people attended the Convention than last year. andintavour of the: niitary cou wardens: tion of the END ConThere were fewer activists, 22ton against conscientious venti ; objectors. With the exception of the

more paid officials, a dramatic E increase in the size of delega- Currently some 500 con- . [Tid Convention in Perugia, it tions from the East European scientious objectors including fies "4 n° maior Presence or stale “peace” organisations, 200 or so Basques are facing S7Fact, in effect allowing tt

plus a dectine in the number of two to six years injall for refus-_Susloists ard their hangers-on invitations and people present ing to serve. paaitettnh ated from unoficil East European There was a very angly {netomamaguiennernene, Pence eeener demonstrationagainstArdanzs, tremely posi

Sessions Varied from 2 fow = Gee ae ere tad (party, Pighlighting the oppression of strands:

Surprising, given the infestation

Se eee Namibian Elections

esting part of the Convention || was talking to people outside |

"sire te ween Climate of fear as

the EKI (the Anti-Nuclear and Ecological Committees of Euskad) hung a banner in the main Convention hall behind the

stage asking in three iar

guages: “Peace Movement or

Peace Business?”

“The last few weeks have been country. Butthescevents have been inter-party violence and intimidaa watershed in the inde- ovenisdowed ty the semen aC thn by peuadig nin ofthe pa By Dayid Clark ypeuading er pendence process for of Anion Lubowski, « senior 2Y Toitt eon ties jointly to sign acode of conduct Namibia leading up to the official and former : providing for members and Some interesting iniatves e : 1g frm fp ae being taken in the peace | elections in early November. Tesswerafihe Nationa Usionof Committee Posters voluntary to refrain fem movement across Europe. Political parties contesting the ian Workers. carrying weapons and disrupting «In Switzerland there is a | eectlonhavemadetheirapplica- The cold-blooded murder of ~ ainoa ov ‘mation OCHO campaign fora refrondum on | tas for registration. The Vole’ Labowsisfieranamberaf tars, AUMost every oganisation 19 "The main politica intimidate shotahing the Swiss Army at | Fegstration period hus ended, cohiriie isthe qusioncrine SevevistedNamitintomoniorhe yoy the pares bul Kare, the together and embarking on a | amid calls from SWAPO for an intimidation of SWAPO and its oe Pp ae Rettty ee ee

jobal peace policy. extension. supporters which has beco 8 com ey Chater 77 10 calling for a| The catire exiled SWAPO Sic feu ofthe independonce __ Sitee Labo ski's murder 00 SWAPO goetills during the war leadership have retumed to the process September 12th there have been aan effort to defuse intemation-

three shooting incidents int presare South Afsca't co

See swao dea Sri Lanka Tierra ee se a

these incidents. More sinister was an attempt by ‘iit if only between the hours of

Initiatives

nine to five T the Democratic Tumballe Aliance ates 5 Koevoet, once he Ki ilin fields Cent pried tt) 0 irldanionnad al cxying organiseamarch oo Sam Nujoma's Weapanscentions 10 patel ee

In the last two months there hhas been a huge escalation of political violence in Sri Lanka with estimates of up to 500 politically motivated murders each week.

‘They are being committed not {nthe traditional Tamil areas in ‘the North and Kast but in the predominantly Sinhala speaking South.

Up and down the country chured and disfigured dead bodies, meetly of young men, are found damped in rivers almost every day.

‘Armajority of these bral mut ders are being committed by members ofthe security forces or death squads organised by the ruling United National Party (UNP).

Often the army and more often the dreaded Special Task Force (STF) comb through whole dis tect and indiveriminately arrest all males between the ages of 15 and 30. Some of them a released some are detained, and others die appear.

in order to prevent parents and relatives identifying the dead, these Killer gangs disigure o¢ bum the faces of tele victims

home in Karmors on September. Sot!ts thie mucs-fonse capes members of the army and police actions” (armed IVP members | 20th as ny hats lace ts Butmree

By GAMUNI resign from their posts or face compelling workersto goonstrike) | _ The march was tumed back by Guring the war, KUMARU reprisals against theirfamilies. initially acemed to force the | UNTAG but the crowd then went “"Wemust continue te demand the ‘This ultimatum ems to have govemment to retreat. on the rampage through the gistrmont of Roce oad the

TUTTE, beemagodsendforthe govemment, Butelements within the security | township breaking windows and South West Africen Temitoriel oe atl ae eMC cabling the government torallyal forces are ready t0 push aside| soning houser showing SWAPO Fore, Bath could enuse,nonout ‘boll eeeemeels a the security forces behind their political leaders and take matters | flags and colours. problems during the elections and without tial fora peried. of 18 c™mpsign of pression. {nto their own hands. UNTAG hasattemptedto defuse the transitional period. Neer Tareas ete The army have put up posers Withno organization among the Pe ieleseed or tnnediaty way, hitalening kill 2]VP members rural or urban masecs the IVP wil | per re uch Soe ag OF Supporters for every member of not be able to confront the security Teed and detsined fora further 18." Toensy forces Ello by the forecs and NP. paramilitary Si wore ie ay sofkrencisato, __1®. the central highlands last In recent weeks JVP spakesper murdered anumberoflawyers who month the JVP. weat on the sons have complained there is no) iad the courage to initiate Fetlee ‘rampage after killing some mem- effort by any mass organisations to tion against the authorities. Even = bers of a soldier's family. They oppose the actions of the death conservative body such as the Bar jitled over 150 people, including squads. Catena pares forces as a subversive Of This is one of many such mas- But this is not surprising. Once a sactes, IVP upped the stakes and decided ‘The latest campaign of terror by The police and army are often to take the armed forces head on it

(eect unable to distinguish between JVP eft very litle room foreven human ovemment’s answer tothe members and other opposition rights organisations to functicn

(Ganatha Vimukthi Peramuna) 25 political parties. Most politcal or trade union orsassination of its political ©p- "Employers too have used this ganiaations are unable even to cal |

‘Although they have mo

Pear at who are often falsely In these difficult conditions

| 8 2

> denounced to the police ax JVP sevolutionary socialists are com- | and security forces the TVP has 00% members: Many such workers have peiled to organise clandeatinely,| hesitated to eliminate members of been arrested and their campeigning fordemocratic sights, | left parties and trade unions whereabouts are not known, an end to death squads andthe rs-|

‘The SVP has also demanded The IVP method of workers’ toration of democratic liberties, Kavost toror squads now patrolng the streets.

Page 15

Labour Briefing No 90 October 11th-24th Pago 15,

International Briefing

Interview: Moses Mayekiso

oli

workers

MOSES MAYEKISO, General Secretary of the National Union of Metalworkers of South Africa (NUMSA), recently visited Britain. For three years he was imprisoned during the trial of the Alexandra S. After his aquittal Moses was invited to Britain as a guest of honour at this year’s Trade Union Congress.

NUMSA organises the strikers in South Africa's longest-ever industrial dispute at the BTR-Sameol factory near Howick, Natal. Moses spoke to CELIA DIGNAM of the BTR ‘Workers Support Group about his trial, the strike and the present situation in South Africa.

LB: Could you explain how the trial came about and the factors leading to your aquittal?

‘would like to thank the British friends and trade unionists swho led the campaign which got us released, We believe we won be- ‘cause ofthe international campaign and the pressure from inside the ‘country.

‘We were charged with high treason, subversion and sedition. "These charges related to our efforts tw organise people into street com- ‘ittees, yard committees and block ccommitices inthe township.

‘We copied our organising prin-

ciples from the trade unions. We believed the time had come to base civie organisations on democratic structures, where people can make decisions for themselves, rather than leaders making decisions for them. ‘Onur aim was thatthe leadership would be sent with mandates from the commonity itself and that they ‘would be accountable to the people through reportbacks and recalls.

Our structures were @ success. People became involved in rent, ‘consumer and white shop boycotts.

We also isolated the police because of their backing for vigilante type operations and such actions as the “6-day war" where they killed many people.

People also refused to pay rent ‘Alex is dirty old township with shacks instead of houses. The ‘money from rents was not being ‘used {o improve the town, but t0 pay the Town Council police who ‘were killing and injuring people.

“Throughout the trial we mainlined that the only way that people without a vote could make their ‘voices beard was through this type cof boycott activity and throogh their own organisations. It was not treason to organise ourselves.

Right from the beginning the judge showed he was aware of the intemational focus on the tril — ‘when he said that the high treason charges would not rewult in execution. He also to the press to report the tial property asthe eyes of the ‘world were on us.

However this did not stop us from being refused bail, imprisoned forthree years and put into Solitary confinement for seven ‘months,

‘We knew that they had no case ‘but the state was very unhappy with the aquttal. The result helped the struggle because it proved that

‘building democratic structures in the townships was not a crime.

Tt was also a test case, because the goverment wanted to try many other people forthe same thing.

LB: When you were in prison you were elected general Secresary of NUMSA. To what do you attribute the growth and significance of the union?

‘Mi: NUMSA is now the largest ‘union in South Africa with 220,000 members. The miners’ union, the NUM, is the second largest with 212,000. Whea the union was in- ‘augurated in 1987 we had 130,000 members, 30 we have had growth of between 60-70%.

‘think this is largely doc to the fact that we were involved in fight ing the problems of the workers in tnd out of the factory and we were involved politically

‘Today our organisers don’t have to go to the workplace to recruit ‘Workers come into oar offices to jin

But growth has brought us problems, like the training of shop stewards. I's difficult for workers Who lack training to be just thrown into trade union office

MM: BTR-Samcol was one of the first factories we organised as MAWU and one of the first firms ‘we approached for recognition in the 70s. And still workers are fight ing for union recognition.

In 1985 the struggle for rccogniton and for segotiations resulted in 1s strike. Since then the woskers have suffered a lot. But because of the support of metalworkers in South Africa and intemational solidarity they have managed to

LB: One of the main ways the BTR workers have gained support has been through cultural events. What impact have these had in South Africa?

MM: Toe BTR. workers have taught_both NUMSA and COSATU that workers have to

Today we have acultural desk in COSATU which was encouraged by the success of plays organised about the BTR strike like the “Long March” andthe “Sisters ofthe Long, March”.

Even if the BTR dispute ends there will be a NUMSA and COSATU cultural section where workers advance their own cultural aspirations,

LB: What is the present position with the dispute? Is there any likelihood of success?

‘MM: Tee situation is very negetive. We won the case in the ‘Supreme Court. The judge said that the matter had not been dealt with propery in the Industrial Court.

Now the company istryingto-=ppeal against the decision. We are

arity with South African

things to be done here?

‘MM: The pressure should be maintained. We would encoursge allefforts hereto pressure the company and to support the workers

Eeceiely pet laighy pee ing their projets.

LB: Can you tell us about the role of the trade unions in the mass mobilisations during and since the apartheid general election?

‘MM: COSATU played «leading role in deciding what kind of ‘mobilisations were needed. We ‘wanted the world to know that apartheid is still very much alive. ‘We wanted to show that De Klerk is the same as Botha.

So we met with the M:

LB: How do you see the Mass Democratic Movement developing in the period ahead?

‘MM: The MDM was formed by ‘organisations that agree we have to et rid of apartheid to usher in

It is a loose organisation. There is no constitution or structure. ‘COSATU is playing a leading role ‘withthe United Democratic Move- ‘ment in shaping the movement.

De Klerk is trying to show the ‘world that heas anew approach to

Moses Mayekieo let

peaceful protests, but the regime responded by killing 29 people, sjamboking and tear-gassing people, using violence to maintain

power.

Now De Kleck is allowing some demonstrations. He says that nex! ‘year there will be negotiations. He is doing this to try and win people to his side. We wam the world not tobe fooled.

De Klerkis tillentrenchedin the Group rights approach, which excludes one person one vote. And anything less than that is not a

If De Kleck was serious about negotiations he would lift the state of emergency: release the political Prisoners; unban the banned or- {anisstions and allow the exiles to ‘come back home; remove the army from the townships and withdrast them to barracks.

‘There would be freedom of association and speech, and people ‘would have the right to express themselves politically.

Until they do all this we cannot believe that they wish to negotiate seriously.

LB: So what should the international labour movement be doing to help the struggle?

‘MM: Our demand is for one person one vote. Nothing less will satisfy us. The intemational community should supportus. We don't ‘want initiatives of De Kletk around Group Rights or the various ‘proposals of Thatcher and Bush

‘We want the initiatives to come from the South African people as the recently adopted document of the Organisation of African Unity ‘makes clear, This contains our mia: imum demands. We believe that people should support that docu- ‘ment.

‘The British people should put pressure on Thatcherto support that document and support sanctions.

Finally we appeal for direct solidarity with all the struggles ‘going on in South Africa today.

This new, up-to-the-minute journal of revolutionary Marxism, while written to intervene in the debates and initiatives in South Africa, provides an invaluable ‘source of information and ideas for British activists.

The first issue leads with an in-depth assessment of the ‘struggles of the last five years, and goes on to map out the tasks of revolutionary socialisis in South Africa today.

Particularly valuable Is the section on the “Economic Crisis”, which takes the reader through the less well known detail behind the better known generalities.

Other articies expand on the struggles in Namibia, the

‘Soviet Union, and China.

‘Setting its analysis and demands unashamediy in 2 ‘Trotskyist context, Workers’ Revolution appeals for contributions from readers, so that i can act 2s 2 pistionn for discussion of the burning issues of the Gay

Copies of Workers Revoluton can be ordered trom the Labour Briefing office, PO Box 1235, London N¢ 2UY.

LB: Can you tell us about the BTR-Samcol dispute? How is it that after four and a half years these workers are still straggling and have managed to win such wide support?

trying to sxttle the matter bat they ace sil resistant.

LB: BTR is a British multina-

tional company. What de you think are the most important

negotiations and the South Afsican crisis. We believe the regime isin trouble because of sanctions, especially financial sanctions.

‘We have scen the results of the defiance campaign. There were

‘Send cheques (payable to Labour Briefing with your order: £2.35 for 1 copy; £11.50 for 5 copies; £22 70 for 10 copies (including postage and packing)

‘Demonstration: In Defence of Iranian Political Refugees Saturday, October 28th, 2pm Hyde Park Corner, London Organised by CARViranian Community Centre Solidarity messages welcome: BM Box CARI, London WC1N 3XX

Page 16

Labour Briefing No. 90 October 11th-24th Page 16

| —s«~PollTaxin Scotland Tax in Scotla Non-payers stand firm

The non-payment figures published by the Regional Councils of Scotland prove there is amass campaign of resistance to the Poll Tax.

Well over 700,000 peopl {out of a total of three and a half million eligible to pay) have not paid a penny; in a dition are those who have

made token payments, 2.9. £5, or one month’s payment.

By Sheila Maher

Aberdeen Against the Poll Tax Who can credit for

the greatest defiance of the Jaw Scotland has ever seen? The Labour Party nationally cortainly can't

Individual MPs, Councillors, and activists are playing an active and important part in Anti-Poll Tax groups, but th bureaucracy has deliberately ditched any commitment to protect the people twas elected to represent.

Most Local Authorities in Scottand are Labour-controtled. They have agreed to co! Ject the Poll Tax, as have those controlled by the SNP, cessful demonstrations in Liberals, and coalitions like Scotland, they are not Grampian. prepared to make a real stand

The Labour Party leader. against the Tries, : ship accuse Anti-Poll Tax >, General groups of attacking Labour- Secretary of the STUC, is not Controtied Authorities in- Paying hisPoll Tax. Good. But Stead of the Tories. But there the trade union movement is isnocaring way to administer @bout more than individual the PollTax, gestures. The history of the

By agrecing to collect the movement is one of collective Poll Tax, Councillors agree to action, so why ditch it on an wagearresiments, freezing of !Ssue like this?

bank accounts, and warrant Leadership

sales. They also agree to harass- The campaign in Scotland ment and intimidation by should have been led by the Sheriff Officers of those who Labour leadership. Instead, Can't afford to pay. We have they have dropped he people

‘seen plenty of examples of they were elected to serve. this In Aberdeen over non- Yet there Is still a mass paign. Anti-Poll Tax

registration. groups can certainly take

Implementing the Poll along with competitive credit for the organised cam-

tendering, will mean Labourcontrolled Local Authorities ‘overseeing the wholesale destruction of Local ‘Authority services.

The official trade union movement can take little credit for the non-payment campaign. Although the STUC have organised suc-

National Conference Against the Poll Tax

November 25

‘The Movement mobidses to keep the Sheriffs away in Aberdoon.

paigns but figures show nonpayment is growing, even where no Anti-Poll Tax roupe exit

Test November, the Scot tish Federation of Anti-Poil ‘Tax groups was set up to co- ‘ordinate action throughout Scotland. Unfortunately, because of Militant domination, ithas not been as effective as it could have been.

Many groups are becoming Increasingly disgruntled by its sectarian approach and there is now talk of “splitting with the Federation”. Informal links between groups are increasing.

‘This campaign, unlike most other political campaigns, has been dominated by grass roots action; by people, many ‘of them youth and women, ‘who have never been politi cally active before.

‘The main priorities for activists should be to provide the skills, contacts, and politcal direction to lead the campaign to @ successful conclusion. Placing the interests of @ political group above this Is sectarian.

‘Aswe approach the National Federation meeting in Manchester on November 25th i's clear from our experlences In Scotland that ‘domination by any sectarian group will adversely affectthe campaign.

Within Aberdeen Against the Poll Tax we have had remarkable success, using tactics frowned on by the Federation.

For example, Committees of 100 are useful tools in heightening awareness and gaining much needed publicity. The Scottish Federation denounces these Committees as elitist.

‘The next few months are crucial to the campaign. We are six months into non-payment and are still supporting those who haven't registered. Registration isa yearly event.

Grampian

In Grampian we are moving into a new phase in collection with the Authority trying 10 stem the tide of people cancalling standing orders and joining the non-payers.

Sixty-two thousand people in Grampian have ignored the threatening seven-day and 14-day letters which all nonpayers have now received. One in three people in Glas- ‘gow haven’t pald. Yet it’s unlikely the system will collapse ‘due fo lack of funding.

‘The Community Charge is ‘only 20% of Local Authority revenue and they will probably be able to carry the debts for this year anyway. The political pressure on Authorities will be greatest as they begin to pursue the non-

campaign must unite the ‘campaigns in Scotland and

England. Let’s make the meeting in Manchester on November 25th the next step in winning this fight and final-

ly sinking the Tories.

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GAYS HERE WE'RE GONNA a Be UABLE TOR TILTAK. Ge

You MAY Ad WELL GET YOUR, OWN BENCH THEN, EH!

(NCCL) on the content of Tax Facts ‘Trafford Borough Council’s According to a book Poll Tax registration form. published jointly by the ‘The form asked people to LGIU and CPAG: state the nature of thelr

‘Linder the Poll Tax, overall rejationship with other people

Scteceamects Soeeege aes Registrar's

per week Is £1.72, while the Trafford’s application to

richest families gain £3.65 per reglster under the Data

week. Protection Act.

“The analysis of the 1988 Before being ableto place ‘Social Security and tax changes personal data on compute, all shows that 59% of the poorest Community Charge {families lose and only 26% Registration Officers must gain. They experience an ‘register with the Data average loss of £1.82 per week. Protection Registrar under the Of the richest 10%, all gain an terms of the Act. fverage of 1692. rec ‘Evidence has also now

1 combi © emerged of other forms asking 98BbeneNt and tax changes non-tatory questons ‘and the Poll Tax hightight the Examples include NpenvensoreetbeTey Sede sme offensive. + promise to report all

(Overall 29% loseand.38% changes or movements for gain. One fifth lose £5a week or everyone in thelr household at ‘more. The poorest 10% lose an all and any timesin the frture average of £2868 weck; the Chelmsford and Eprom and riches 10% gnin £20.57 a week. Byeit 70% of tenants lose, compared sist their home and daytime to. 2% ofowner occupiers. telephone numbers — Eptom

‘ond Bwvell and Winchester.

From LGIU’s Poll Tax ~ explain thelr relationship

Fecus, available from 1-5 with ether people in thelr

Bath Street, London ECIV 909, tel. 01-608 105;

household — Softhudl ‘say where they have been

living during the past 12

‘months if not resident at their

Registrar in present address — Richmond. j i None ofthese requests have registration row ,.rimeipadsburCcRO's ‘The Data Protection desperate to cope with the Registrar has upheld a ‘problems created by the Poll complaint from Liberty _Tax, keep asking them.

Birmingham Trades Union Council Mass demonstration

against the Poll Tax Saturday October 28th

Assemble 12 noon Chamberlain Square

Rally at 1.00pm

Speakers:

Jett Rooker MP; Christine Crawley MEP; Dave Nellist MP; Sid Platt; Avtar Jouhl Followed by: ‘oll Tax Fest ur bani